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{ {
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{ {
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{ {
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{ {
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{ {
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{ {
"title": ":blue_car: [[Household]]: Renew [road vignette](https://www.e-vignette.ch/) %%done_del%%", "title": ":blue_car: [[Household]]: Renew [road vignette](https://www.e-vignette.ch/) %%done_del%%",
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{ {
"title": ":blue_car: [[Household]]: Change to Summer tyres @ [[Rex Automobile CH]] %%done_del%%", "title": ":blue_car: [[Household]]: Change to Summer tyres @ [[Rex Automobile CH]] %%done_del%%",
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"title": ":chart: Check [[Nimbus]] earnings %%done_del%%", "title": ":chart: Check [[Nimbus]] earnings %%done_del%%",
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},
{
"title": ":sunny: :racehorse: [[@France|:fr:]], [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check out the [Coupe dOr](https://www.deauvillepoloclub.com/coupe-d-or) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-10",
"rowNumber": 225
},
{
"title": ":sunny: :racehorse: [[@Switzerland|Gstaad]], [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check out the [Gold Cup Gstaad](https://www.polo-gstaad.ch/) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-10",
"rowNumber": 227
},
{
"title": ":sunny: :racehorse: [[@@Paris|Paris]], [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check out the [Open de France](https://www.poloclubchantilly.com/) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-25",
"rowNumber": 226
} }
], ],
"06.02 Investments/Equity Tasks.md": [ "06.02 Investments/Equity Tasks.md": [
@ -673,16 +698,16 @@
} }
], ],
"01.07 Animals/@Sally.md": [ "01.07 Animals/@Sally.md": [
{
"title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: Pay for horseshoes (150 CHF) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-09-10",
"rowNumber": 142
},
{ {
"title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: Vet check %%done_del%%", "title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: Vet check %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-09-30", "time": "2024-09-30",
"rowNumber": 136 "rowNumber": 136
}, },
{
"title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: Pay for horseshoes (150 CHF) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-10-10",
"rowNumber": 142
},
{ {
"title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: EHV-1 vaccination dose %%done_del%%", "title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]]: EHV-1 vaccination dose %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-01-31", "time": "2025-01-31",
@ -717,15 +742,15 @@
], ],
"01.07 Animals/2023-07-13 Health check.md": [ "01.07 Animals/2023-07-13 Health check.md": [
{ {
"title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]], [[2023-07-13 Health check|Note]]: Check front hoofs healing", "title": ":racehorse: [[@Sally|Sally]], [[2023-07-13 Health check|Note]]: Check front hoofs healing %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-27", "time": "2024-10-10",
"rowNumber": 53 "rowNumber": 53
} }
], ],
"01.03 Family/Ophélie Bédier.md": [ "01.03 Family/Ophélie Bédier.md": [
{ {
"title": ":birthday: **[[Ophélie Bédier|Ophélie]]** %%done_del%%", "title": ":birthday: **[[Ophélie Bédier|Ophélie]]** %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-09-05", "time": "2025-09-05",
"rowNumber": 105 "rowNumber": 105
} }
], ],
@ -760,7 +785,7 @@
"00.08 Bookmarks/Bookmarks - Art.md": [ "00.08 Bookmarks/Bookmarks - Art.md": [
{ {
"title": ":label: [[Bookmarks - Art]]: Review bookmarks %%done_del%%", "title": ":label: [[Bookmarks - Art]]: Review bookmarks %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-26", "time": "2024-11-26",
"rowNumber": 97 "rowNumber": 97
} }
], ],
@ -779,11 +804,6 @@
} }
], ],
"02.03 Zürich/@@Zürich.md": [ "02.03 Zürich/@@Zürich.md": [
{
"title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Zürich Openair %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-23",
"rowNumber": 121
},
{ {
"title": "🎭:frame_with_picture: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out exhibitions at the [Rietberg](https://rietberg.ch/en/) %%done_del%%", "title": "🎭:frame_with_picture: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out exhibitions at the [Rietberg](https://rietberg.ch/en/) %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-09-15", "time": "2024-09-15",
@ -842,7 +862,7 @@
{ {
"title": ":hibiscus: :runner: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Zürich Marathon %%done_del%%", "title": ":hibiscus: :runner: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Zürich Marathon %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-04-21", "time": "2025-04-21",
"rowNumber": 129 "rowNumber": 130
}, },
{ {
"title": ":hibiscus: :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Book a restaurant with terrace for the season: [[Albishaus]], [[Restaurant Boldern]], [[Zur Buech]], [[Jardin Zürichberg]], [[Bistro Rigiblick]], [[Portofino am See]], [[La Réserve|La Muña]] %%done_del%%", "title": ":hibiscus: :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Book a restaurant with terrace for the season: [[Albishaus]], [[Restaurant Boldern]], [[Zur Buech]], [[Jardin Zürichberg]], [[Bistro Rigiblick]], [[Portofino am See]], [[La Réserve|La Muña]] %%done_del%%",
@ -872,17 +892,22 @@
{ {
"title": ":sunny: :runner: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out tickets to Weltklasse Zürich %%done_del%%", "title": ":sunny: :runner: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out tickets to Weltklasse Zürich %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-01", "time": "2025-08-01",
"rowNumber": 130 "rowNumber": 131
}, },
{ {
"title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Street Parade %%done_del%%", "title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Street Parade %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-10", "time": "2025-08-10",
"rowNumber": 118 "rowNumber": 118
}, },
{
"title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Zürich Openair %%done_del%%",
"time": "2025-08-23",
"rowNumber": 121
},
{ {
"title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out Seenachtfest Rapperswil-Jona %%done_del%%", "title": ":sunny: :partying_face: [[@@Zürich|:test_zurich_coat_of_arms:]]: Check out Seenachtfest Rapperswil-Jona %%done_del%%",
"time": "2027-08-01", "time": "2027-08-01",
"rowNumber": 122 "rowNumber": 123
} }
], ],
"03.02 Travels/Geneva.md": [ "03.02 Travels/Geneva.md": [
@ -988,25 +1013,25 @@
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-04-29.md": [ "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-04-29.md": [
{ {
"title": "09:12 🍴: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Restaurant Boldern]]", "title": "09:12 🍴: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Restaurant Boldern]]",
"time": "2024-07-30", "time": "2024-09-20",
"rowNumber": 105 "rowNumber": 105
}, },
{ {
"title": "09:13 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Zur Buech]]", "title": "09:13 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Zur Buech]]",
"time": "2024-08-30", "time": "2024-09-30",
"rowNumber": 106 "rowNumber": 106
} }
], ],
"01.06 Health/2024-06-29 Fungal treatment.md": [ "01.06 Health/2024-06-29 Fungal treatment.md": [
{ {
"title": ":test_pharmacie_logo_svg_vector: [[2024-06-29 Fungal treatment|Fungus]]: Take the pill %%done_del%%", "title": ":test_pharmacie_logo_svg_vector: [[2024-06-29 Fungal treatment|Fungus]]: Take the pill %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-17", "time": "2024-09-12",
"rowNumber": 58 "rowNumber": 58
}, },
{ {
"title": ":test_pharmacie_logo_svg_vector: [[2024-06-29 Fungal treatment|Fungus]]: Nail lack %%done_del%%", "title": ":test_pharmacie_logo_svg_vector: [[2024-06-29 Fungal treatment|Fungus]]: Nail lack %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-17", "time": "2024-09-12",
"rowNumber": 90 "rowNumber": 116
} }
], ],
"01.06 Health/2023-02-25 Polyp in Galbladder.md": [ "01.06 Health/2023-02-25 Polyp in Galbladder.md": [
@ -1017,16 +1042,51 @@
} }
], ],
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-07-29.md": [ "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-07-29.md": [
{
"title": "09:20 📨 [[@Family|Family]]: Repondre a Papa",
"time": "2024-08-30",
"rowNumber": 104
},
{ {
"title": "08:18 ⚽ [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check the Como 07 [schedule](https://comofootball.com/en/matches-and-tickets/)", "title": "08:18 ⚽ [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check the Como 07 [schedule](https://comofootball.com/en/matches-and-tickets/)",
"time": "2024-08-20", "time": "2024-09-15",
"rowNumber": 103 "rowNumber": 103
}, }
],
"05.02 Networks/Selfhosting.md": [
{ {
"title": "09:20 📨 [[@Family|Family]]: Repondre a Papa", "title": ":desktop_computer: [[Selfhosting|Self hosting]]: Check log activity for all servers %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-08-30", "time": "2024-09-17",
"rowNumber": 302
}
],
"04.03 Creative snippets/New Year well Wishes.md": [
{
"title": ":clinking_glasses: [[New Year well Wishes]]: Check to use text for New Year's well wishes %%done_del%%",
"time": "2024-12-29",
"rowNumber": 108
}
],
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-03.md": [
{
"title": "13:44 :tshirt: [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check sales on 3rd jersey (black with horse) of Juventus, [[2024-09-03|link]]",
"time": "2025-04-30",
"rowNumber": 103
}
],
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-04.md": [
{
"title": "17:49 :blue_car: [[@Life Admin|Admin]]: Contact garage for revision, [[2024-09-04|link]]",
"time": "2024-09-15",
"rowNumber": 104 "rowNumber": 104
} }
],
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-08.md": [
{
"title": "08:35 :movie_camera: [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Download Dersou Ouzala [[2024-09-08|link]]",
"time": "2024-09-17",
"rowNumber": 103
}
] ]
}, },
"debug": false, "debug": false,

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@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
{ {
"id": "obsidian-style-settings", "id": "obsidian-style-settings",
"name": "Style Settings", "name": "Style Settings",
"version": "1.0.8", "version": "1.0.9",
"minAppVersion": "0.11.5", "minAppVersion": "0.11.5",
"description": "Offers controls for adjusting theme, plugin, and snippet CSS variables.", "description": "Offers controls for adjusting theme, plugin, and snippet CSS variables.",
"author": "mgmeyers", "author": "mgmeyers",

File diff suppressed because one or more lines are too long

File diff suppressed because one or more lines are too long

@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
{ {
"id": "obsidian-tasks-plugin", "id": "obsidian-tasks-plugin",
"name": "Tasks", "name": "Tasks",
"version": "7.8.0", "version": "7.9.0",
"minAppVersion": "1.1.1", "minAppVersion": "1.1.1",
"description": "Track tasks across your vault. Supports due dates, recurring tasks, done dates, sub-set of checklist items, and filtering.", "description": "Track tasks across your vault. Supports due dates, recurring tasks, done dates, sub-set of checklist items, and filtering.",
"helpUrl": "https://publish.obsidian.md/tasks/", "helpUrl": "https://publish.obsidian.md/tasks/",

@ -2607,7 +2607,7 @@ var InternalModuleWeb = class extends InternalModule {
generate_random_picture() { generate_random_picture() {
return async (size, query, include_size = false) => { return async (size, query, include_size = false) => {
try { try {
const response = await this.getRequest(`https://templater-unsplash.fly.dev/${query ? "?q=" + query : ""}`).then((res) => res.json()); const response = await this.getRequest(`https://templater-unsplash-2.fly.dev/${query ? "?q=" + query : ""}`).then((res) => res.json());
let url = response.full; let url = response.full;
if (size && !include_size) { if (size && !include_size) {
if (size.includes("x")) { if (size.includes("x")) {

@ -1,7 +1,7 @@
{ {
"id": "templater-obsidian", "id": "templater-obsidian",
"name": "Templater", "name": "Templater",
"version": "2.4.1", "version": "2.4.2",
"description": "Create and use templates", "description": "Create and use templates",
"minAppVersion": "1.5.0", "minAppVersion": "1.5.0",
"author": "SilentVoid", "author": "SilentVoid",

@ -49,19 +49,7 @@
"state": { "state": {
"type": "markdown", "type": "markdown",
"state": { "state": {
"file": "01.07 Animals/@Sally.md", "file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-11.md",
"mode": "preview",
"source": true
}
}
},
{
"id": "6266e3653a250845",
"type": "leaf",
"state": {
"type": "markdown",
"state": {
"file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-08-16.md",
"mode": "preview", "mode": "preview",
"source": true "source": true
} }
@ -88,9 +76,21 @@
"type": "thino_view", "type": "thino_view",
"state": {} "state": {}
} }
},
{
"id": "0bd32fecbcc17a70",
"type": "leaf",
"state": {
"type": "markdown",
"state": {
"file": "01.07 Animals/@Sally.md",
"mode": "preview",
"source": true
}
}
} }
], ],
"currentTab": 4 "currentTab": 3
} }
], ],
"direction": "vertical" "direction": "vertical"
@ -172,7 +172,7 @@
"state": { "state": {
"type": "backlink", "type": "backlink",
"state": { "state": {
"file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-08-16.md", "file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-11.md",
"collapseAll": false, "collapseAll": false,
"extraContext": false, "extraContext": false,
"sortOrder": "alphabetical", "sortOrder": "alphabetical",
@ -189,7 +189,7 @@
"state": { "state": {
"type": "outgoing-link", "type": "outgoing-link",
"state": { "state": {
"file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-08-16.md", "file": "00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-11.md",
"linksCollapsed": false, "linksCollapsed": false,
"unlinkedCollapsed": false "unlinkedCollapsed": false
} }
@ -253,34 +253,34 @@
"obsidian-media-db-plugin:Add new Media DB entry": false "obsidian-media-db-plugin:Add new Media DB entry": false
} }
}, },
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"00.03 News/What I Saw in the Darién Gap.md", "01.08 Garden/@Plants.md",
"00.03 News/Moscows Spies Were Stealing US Tech — Until the FBI Started a Sabotage Campaign.md", "00.03 News/Fear and Joy in Chicago Fintan OToole.md",
"00.03 News/Ozempic Boom Inside USAs Weight-Loss Drug Capital.md", "00.03 News/The Accelerationists App How Telegram Became the “Center of Gravity” for a New Breed of Domestic Terrorists.md",
"00.01 Admin/Calendars/2024-09-06.md",
"00.03 News/@News.md",
"00.03 News/The Worm Charmers.md",
"04.03 Creative snippets/The Times They are a-changing.md",
"01.02 Home/Life - Practical infos.md",
"00.01 Admin/Pictures/Sally/IMG_5006.jpg", "00.01 Admin/Pictures/Sally/IMG_5006.jpg",
"00.01 Admin/Pictures/Sally/IMG_5009.jpg", "00.01 Admin/Pictures/Sally/IMG_5009.jpg",
"00.02 Inbox/Pasted image 20240521223309.png", "00.02 Inbox/Pasted image 20240521223309.png",

@ -103,8 +103,8 @@ This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp; &emsp;
- [x] 09:10 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Bistro Rigiblick]] 📅 2024-05-30 ✅ 2024-05-24 - [x] 09:10 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Bistro Rigiblick]] 📅 2024-05-30 ✅ 2024-05-24
- [x] 09:11 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Jardin Zürichberg]] 📅 2024-08-30 ✅ 2024-07-25 - [x] 09:11 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Jardin Zürichberg]] 📅 2024-08-30 ✅ 2024-07-25
- [ ] 09:12 🍴: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Restaurant Boldern]] 📅2024-07-30 - [ ] 09:12 🍴: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Restaurant Boldern]] 📅 2024-09-20
- [ ] 09:13 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Zur Buech]] 📅2024-08-30 - [ ] 09:13 :fork_and_knife: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]: Book [[Zur Buech]] 📅 2024-09-30
%% --- %% %% --- %%

@ -101,7 +101,7 @@ hide task count
This section does serve for quick memos. This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp; &emsp;
- [ ] 08:18 ⚽ [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check the Como 07 [schedule](https://comofootball.com/en/matches-and-tickets/) 📅 2024-08-20 - [ ] 08:18 ⚽ [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check the Como 07 [schedule](https://comofootball.com/en/matches-and-tickets/) 📅 2024-09-15
- [ ] 09:20 📨 [[@Family|Family]]: Repondre a Papa 📅2024-08-30 - [ ] 09:20 📨 [[@Family|Family]]: Repondre a Papa 📅2024-08-30
- [x] 09:34 :racehorse: [[@Sport Paris|Sport in Paris]]: France - USA in Polo 📅 2024-08-07 ✅ 2024-08-07 - [x] 09:34 :racehorse: [[@Sport Paris|Sport in Paris]]: France - USA in Polo 📅 2024-08-07 ✅ 2024-08-07

@ -16,13 +16,13 @@ Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5 FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20 EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30 BackHeadBar: 30
Water: Water: 4.25
Coffee: Coffee: 2
Steps: Steps: 11722
Weight: Weight:
Ski: Ski:
IceSkating: IceSkating:
Riding: Riding: 2
Racket: Racket:
Football: Football:
Swim: Swim:
@ -114,7 +114,7 @@ This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp; &emsp;
Loret ipsum 🐎: 2 chukkers with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]] - fiest time at La Irenita
&emsp; &emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-17
Date: 2024-08-17
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.5
Coffee: 2
Steps: 4183
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 2
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-16|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-18|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-17Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-17NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-17
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-17
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-17
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🐎: 2 chukkers with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]]
📖: [[Underworld]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-17]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-18
Date: 2024-08-18
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3
Coffee: 0
Steps: 202
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-17|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-19|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-18Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-18NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-18
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-18
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-18
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🍽️: [[Spicy Szechuan Noodles with Garlic Chilli Oil]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-18]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,135 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-19
Date: 2024-08-19
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3
Coffee: 1
Steps: 11402
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-18|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-20|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-19Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-19NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-19
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-19
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-19
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
- [x] 13:30 :desktop_computer: [[Server Tools]]: check Gitea userbase and activity 📅 2024-08-24 ✅ 2024-08-24
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Underworld]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-19]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-20
Date: 2024-08-20
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 5.25
Coffee: 2
Steps: 7119
Weight: 90.1
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 1
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-19|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-21|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-20Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-20NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-20
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-20
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-20
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🐎: S&B with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-20]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-21
Date: 2024-08-21
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2.5
Coffee: 3
Steps: 13458
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-20|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-22|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-21Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-21NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-21
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-21
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-21
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📺: [[The Red Circle (1970)]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-21]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-22
Date: 2024-08-22
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 4
Coffee: 2
Steps: 7105
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 1
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-21|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-23|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-22Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-22NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-22
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-22
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-22
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🐎: S&B with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]]
📖: [[Underworld]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-22]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,140 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-23
Date: 2024-08-23
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 4.5
Coffee: 1
Steps: 11547
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 2
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-22|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-24|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-23Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-23NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-23
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-23
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-23
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Underworld]]
🐎: 2 chukkers in [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]] with [[@Sally|Sally]]
🍽️: [[Big Shells With Spicy Lamb Sausage and Pistachios]]
📺: [[2024-08-23 ⚽️ PSG - Montpellier (6-0)]], [[Arizona Dream (1993)]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-23]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-24
Date: 2024-08-24
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 4.75
Coffee: 1
Steps: 12057
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 2
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-23|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-25|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-24Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-24NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-24
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-24
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-24
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🐎: 2 chukkers with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-24]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-25
Date: 2024-08-25
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 6
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 30
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 40
Water: 2
Coffee: 2
Steps: 11279
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-24|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-26|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-25Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-25NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-25
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-25
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-25
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🍴: [[Chicken Schnitzel]]
🍽️: [[Beef Noodles with Beans]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-25]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,138 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-26
Date: 2024-08-26
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2.91
Coffee: 4
Steps: 13001
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-25|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-27|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-26Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-26NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-26
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-26
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-26
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
✈️: A/R from [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] to [[@@London|London]]
🍴: [[The Ned]]
📖: [[Underworld]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-26]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-27
Date: 2024-08-27
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2.33
Coffee: 1
Steps: 12398
Weight: 90.5
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-26|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-28|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-27Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-27NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-27
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-27
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-27
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Underworld]]
🍽️: [[Seehaus]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-27]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,138 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-28
Date: 2024-08-28
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.5
Coffee: 1
Steps: 10978
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-27|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-29|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-28Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-28NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-28
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-28
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-28
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
☕: [[Kornsilo]]
📖: [[Underworld]]
🍽️: [[Spicy Coconut Butter Chicken]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-28]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-29
Date: 2024-08-29
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.38
Coffee: 2
Steps: 17484
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-28|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-30|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-29Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-29NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-29
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-29
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-29
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Underworld]]
🍴: [[Korean Barbecue-Style Meatballs]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-29]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-30
Date: 2024-08-30
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 6
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.66
Coffee: 2
Steps: 23940
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-29|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-08-31|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-30Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-30NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-30
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-30
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-30
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🛩️: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] to [[Wien]]
📖: [[Gaslight]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-30]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-08-31
Date: 2024-08-31
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.61
Coffee: 3
Steps: 16296
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-30|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-01|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-08-31Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-08-31NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-08-31
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-08-31
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-08-31
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Gaslight]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-08-31]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-01
Date: 2024-09-01
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 30
BackHeadBar: 20
Water: 2.7
Coffee: 4
Steps: 10336
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-08-31|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-02|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-01Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-01NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-01
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-01
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-01
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Gaslight]]
📺: [[2024-09-01 ⚽️ LOSC - PSG (1-3)]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-01]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-02
Date: 2024-09-02
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2.1
Coffee: 1
Steps: 4980
Weight: 90.4
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-01|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-03|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-02Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-02NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-02
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-02
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-02
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🚗: [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] to [[$Basville|Basville]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-02]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,135 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-03
Date: 2024-09-03
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2
Coffee: 2
Steps: 11916
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-02|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-04|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-03Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-03NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-03
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-03
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-03
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
- [ ] 13:44 :tshirt: [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Check sales on 3rd jersey (black with horse) of Juventus, [[2024-09-03|link]] 📅2025-04-30
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Diplomacy]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-03]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,136 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-04
Date: 2024-09-04
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2
Coffee: 3
Steps: 3429
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-03|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-05|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-04Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-04NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-04
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-04
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-04
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
- [x] 17:48 :book: [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Pick up book (Carolyn & John) in Aubusson, [[2024-09-04|link]] 📅 2024-09-06 ✅ 2024-09-07
- [ ] 17:49 :blue_car: [[@Life Admin|Admin]]: Contact garage for revision, [[2024-09-04|link]] 📅2024-09-15
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
Loret ipsum
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-04]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,133 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-05
Date: 2024-09-05
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 8
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2
Coffee: 1
Steps: 10958
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-04|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-06|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-05Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-05NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-05
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-05
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-05
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-05]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,139 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-06
Date: 2024-09-06
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2
Coffee: 2
Steps: 9413
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-05|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-07|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-06Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-06NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-06
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-06
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-06
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
- [x] Yaourt au lait de chèvre (80g) ✅ 2024-09-06
- [x] Roquefort/Bleu (15g) ✅ 2024-09-06
- [x] Oeufs ✅ 2024-09-06
- [x] Pignons (20g) ✅ 2024-09-06
- [x] Citron ✅ 2024-09-06
- [x] Zaatar ✅ 2024-09-06
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-06]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-07
Date: 2024-09-07
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 2
Coffee: 2
Steps: 9026
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-06|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-08|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-07Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-07NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-07
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-07
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-07
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
Loret ipsum
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-07]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,135 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-08
Date: 2024-09-08
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3
Coffee: 1
Steps: 1709
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-07|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-09|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-08Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-08NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-08
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-08
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-08
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
- [ ] 08:35 :movie_camera: [[@Lifestyle|Lifestyle]]: Download Dersou Ouzala [[2024-09-08|link]] 📅2024-09-17
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
:blue_car:: [[$Basville|Basville]] to [[@@Paris|Paris]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-08]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-09
Date: 2024-09-09
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3
Coffee: 3
Steps: 11070
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-08|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-10|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-09Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-09NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-09
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-09
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-09
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
Loret ipsum
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-09]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-10
Date: 2024-09-10
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water: 3.5
Coffee: 3
Steps: 14461
Weight: 91.4
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding: 1
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-09|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-11|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-10Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-10NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-10
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-10
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-10
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
🐎: S&B with [[@Sally|Sally]] at [[Polo Park Zürich|PPZ]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-10]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,134 @@
---
title: "🗒 Daily Note"
allDay: true
date: 2024-09-11
Date: 2024-09-11
DocType: Note
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp:
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
Sleep: 7.5
Happiness: 80
Gratefulness: 90
Stress: 25
FrontHeadBar: 5
EarHeadBar: 20
BackHeadBar: 30
Water:
Coffee: 2
Steps:
Weight:
Ski:
IceSkating:
Riding:
Racket:
Football:
Swim:
---
%% Parent:: [[@Life Admin]] %%
---
[[2024-09-10|<< 🗓 Previous ]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[@Main Dashboard|Back]] &emsp; &emsp; &emsp; [[2024-09-12|🗓 Next >>]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Record today's health
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-2024-09-11Edit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-2024-09-11NSave
&emsp;
# 2024-09-11
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
> Daily note for 2024-09-11
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### ✅ Tasks of the day
&emsp;
```tasks
not done
due on 2024-09-11
path does not include Templates
hide backlinks
hide task count
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 📝 Memos
&emsp;
This section does serve for quick memos.
&emsp;
%% --- %%
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### 🗒 Notes
&emsp;
📖: [[Diplomacy]]
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### :link: Linked activity
&emsp;
```dataview
Table from [[2024-09-11]]
```
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: "🧚🏼 Arrivée Meggi-mo"
allDay: true
date: 2022-03-19
endDate: 2022-03-20
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
# Arrivée de [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]]
- [l] Arrivée à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] de Meggi-mo, le [[2022-03-19|19/03/2022]].

@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
---
title: "🧚🏼 Départ de Meggi-mo"
allDay: true
date: 2022-03-24
endDate: 2022-03-25
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
# Départ de Meggi-mo
Départ de ma [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]] le [[2022-03-24|24/03/2022]].

@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
---
title: "👨‍👩‍👧 Arrivée de Papa"
allDay: false
startTime: 20:25
endTime: 20:30
date: 2022-03-31
---
- [l] [[2022-03-31]], arrivée de [[Amaury de Villeneuve|Papa]] à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]

@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
---
title: "👨‍👩‍👧 Départ Papa"
allDay: false
startTime: 13:30
endTime: 14:00
date: 2022-04-04
---
[[2022-04-04]], départ de [[Amaury de Villeneuve|Papa]]

@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
---
title: "🗳 1er tour Présidentielle"
allDay: true
date: 2022-04-10
endDate: 2022-04-11
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
1er tour des élections présidentielles à [[@@Paris|Paris]], le [[2022-04-10|10 avril 2022]]; avec [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]] dans l'isoloir.

@ -0,0 +1,8 @@
---
title: "🗳 2nd tour élections présidentielles"
allDay: true
date: 2022-04-24
endDate: 2022-04-25
---
2nd tour des élections présidentielles le [[2022-04-24|24 Avril]] à [[@@Paris|Paris]].

@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
---
title: "🛩 Arrivée à Lisbonne"
allDay: false
startTime: 16:00
endTime: 16:30
date: 2022-04-27
---
Arrival on [[2022-04-27|this day]] in [[Lisbon]].

@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
---
title: "🛩 Départ de Lisbonne"
allDay: false
startTime: 15:30
endTime: 16:00
date: 2022-05-01
---
Departure from [[Lisbon]] to [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] [[2022-05-01|this day]].

@ -0,0 +1,9 @@
---
title: "🧚🏼 Definite arrival of Meggi-mo to Züzü"
allDay: true
startTime: 06:30
endTime: 07:00
date: 2022-05-15
---
[[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]] is arriving to [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] for good on [[2022-05-15|that day]].

@ -0,0 +1,17 @@
---
title: "🚆 Weekend in GVA"
allDay: true
date: 2022-10-14
endDate: 2022-10-17
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Weekend à [[Geneva]] avec [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]].
&emsp;
Départ: [[2022-10-14]] de [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]
Retour: [[2022-10-16]] à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]

@ -0,0 +1,16 @@
---
title: "🗼 Weekend à Paris"
allDay: true
date: 2022-10-21
endDate: 2022-10-24
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Weekend à [[@@Paris|Paris]] avec [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]].
&emsp;
Départ: [[2022-10-21]] de [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]
Retour: [[2022-10-23]] à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]

@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
---
title: "💍 Fiançailles Marguerite & Arnold"
allDay: false
startTime: 16:30
endTime: 15:00
date: 2022-11-19
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Fiançailles de [[Marguerite de Villeneuve|Marguerite]] et [[Arnold Moulin|Arnold]] [[2022-11-19|ce jour]] à [[Geneva|Genève]].

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: "👪 Papa à Zürich"
allDay: true
date: 2022-12-26
endDate: 2022-12-31
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[Amaury de Villeneuve|Papa]] arrive à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] le [[2022-12-26|26 décembre]] à 13h26.

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: "Stef & Kyna in Zürich"
allDay: true
date: 2022-12-30
endDate: 2023-01-05
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Stef & Kyna arrivent à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] le [[2022-12-30|30 décembre]] avec Swiss le matin.

@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
---
title: Médecin
allDay: false
startTime: 11:15
endTime: 12:15
date: 2023-01-23
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[2023-01-23|Ce jour]], 1er RDV avec [[Dr Cleopatra Morales]].

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: Genève
allDay: true
date: 2023-02-06
endDate: 2023-02-08
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Depart à [[Geneva|Genève]] [[2023-02-06|ce jour]] et retour le [[223-02-07|lendemain]].

@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
---
title: ⚕ Médecin
allDay: false
startTime: 12:15
endTime: 13:15
date: 2023-02-09
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[2023-02-09|Ce jour]], RDV de suivi avec [[Dr Cleopatra Morales]]

@ -0,0 +1,91 @@
---
title: "👰‍♀ Mariage Eloi & Zélie"
allDay: true
date: 2023-02-10
endDate: 2023-02-12
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Mariage d[[Eloi de Villeneuve|Éloi]] avec [[Zélie]] en [[@France|Bretagne]] (Rennes) [[2023-02-11|ce jour]].
&emsp;
🚆: 23h11, arrivée à Rennes
&emsp;
🏨: **Hotel Saint Antoine**<br>27 avenue Janvier<br>Rennes
&emsp;
### Vendredi 10 Février
&emsp;
#### 17h: Mariage civil
Mairie de Montfort-sur-Meu (35)
&emsp;
#### 20h30: Veillée de Prière
Chapelle du château de la Châsse
Iffendic (35)
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### Samedi 11 Février
&emsp;
#### 14h: Messe de Mariage
Saint-Louis-Marie
Montfort-sur-Meu (35)
&emsp;
#### 16h30: Cocktail
Château de la Châsse
Iffendic (35)
&emsp;
#### 19h30: Dîner
Château de la Châsse
Iffendic (35)
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### Dimanche 12 Février
&emsp;
#### 11h: Messe
Chapelle du château de la Châsse
Iffendic (35)
&emsp;
#### 12h: Déjeuner breton
Château de la Châsse
Iffendic (35)
&emsp;
🚆: 13h35, départ de Rennes

@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
---
title: 🎬 Tár @ Riff Raff
allDay: false
startTime: 20:30
endTime: 22:30
date: 2023-02-19
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[2023-02-19|Ce jour]], [[Tár (2022)]] @ [[Riff Raff Kino Bar]].

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: 🩺 Médecin
allDay: false
startTime: 15:00
endTime: 15:30
date: 2023-03-06
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[2023-03-06|Ce jour]], rdv avec [[Dr Awad Abuawad]]

@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
---
title: 👨‍👩‍👧‍👦 Marg & Arnold à Zürich
allDay: true
date: 2023-03-11
endDate: 2023-03-13
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Arrivée le [[2023-03-11|11 mars]] de [[Marguerite de Villeneuve|Marg]] et [[Arnold Moulin|Arnold]].
Départ le [[2023-03-12|lendemain]].

@ -0,0 +1,12 @@
---
title: 👨‍👩‍👧‍👦 Molly & boyfriend in Zürich
allDay: true
date: 2023-03-18
endDate: 2023-03-20
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Weekend in [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] for [[@@MRCK|Meggi-mo]]s cousin Molly and boyfriend.
Arrival on [[2023-03-18|18th March]] and departure on Monday [[2023-03-20|20th March]].

@ -0,0 +1,13 @@
---
title: 🩺 Médecin
allDay: false
startTime: 11:45
endTime: 12:15
date: 2023-04-14
completed: null
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
[[2023-04-14|Ce jour]], rdv avec [[Dr Cleopatra Morales]]

@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
---
title: 🏠 Arrivée Papa
allDay: false
startTime: 20:26
endTime: 21:26
date: 2023-12-21
completed: null
---
[[2023-12-21|Ce jour]], arrivée de [[Amaury de Villeneuve|Papa]] à [[@@Zürich|Zürich]]

@ -0,0 +1,10 @@
---
title: 🗼 Départ Papa
allDay: false
startTime: 13:30
endTime: 14:30
date: 2023-12-27
completed: null
---
[[2023-12-27|Ce jour]], départ de [[Amaury de Villeneuve|Papa]] de [[@@Zürich|Zürich]] pour [[@@Paris|Paris]]

@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
---
title: ⚽️ PSG - Montpellier (6-0)
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-08-23
completed: null
---
[[2024-08-23|Ce jour]], [[Paris SG|PSG]] - Montpellier Herault SC: 6-0
Buteurs:: ⚽️⚽️ Barcola<br>⚽️ Asensio<br>⚽️ Hakimi<br>⚽️ Zaïre-Emery<br>⚽️ Lee
&emsp;
```lineup
formation: 433
players: Donnarumma,Nuno Mendes,Pacho,Marquinhos,Hakimi,João Neves (Fabian),Vitinha,Zaïre-Emery (MBaye),Barcola (Doué),Asensio (Kolo Muani),Dembélé (Lee)
```

@ -0,0 +1,20 @@
---
title: ⚽️ LOSC - PSG (1-3)
allDay: false
startTime: 20:45
endTime: 22:45
date: 2024-09-01
completed: null
---
[[2024-09-01|Ce jour]], Lille OSC - [[Paris SG|PSG]]: 1-3
Buteurs:: ⚽️ Zhegrova (LOSC)<br>⚽️ Vitinha (sp)<br>⚽️ Barcola<br>⚽️ Kolo Muani
&emsp;
```lineup
formation: 433
players: Donnarumma,Beraldo,Marquinhos,Pacho,Hakimi (Mayulu),João Neves (Fabian),Vitinha,Zaïre-Emery,Barcola (Lee),Asensio (Doué),Dembélé (Kolo Muani)
```

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ PSG - FC Girona
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-09-18
completed: null
---
[[2024-09-18|Ce jour]], [[Paris SG|PSG]] - FC Girona:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ Arsenal - PSG
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-10-01
completed: null
---
[[2024-10-01|Ce jour]], Arsenal - [[Paris SG|PSG]]:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ PSG - PSV Eindhoven
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-10-22
completed: null
---
[[2024-10-22|Ce jour]], [[Paris SG|PSG]] - PSV Eindhoven:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ PSG - Atletico Madrid
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-11-06
completed: null
---
[[2024-11-06|Ce jour]], [[Paris SG|PSG]] - Atletico Madrid:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ Bayern - PSG
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-11-26
completed: null
---
[[2024-11-26|Ce jour]], Bayern - [[Paris SG|PSG]]:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ RB Salzburg - PSG
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2024-12-10
completed: null
---
[[2024-12-10|Ce jour]], RB Salzburg - [[Paris SG|PSG]]:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ PSG - Man City
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2025-01-22
completed: null
---
[[2025-01-22|Ce jour]], [[Paris SG|PSG]] - Man City:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,15 @@
---
title: ⚽️ Stuttgart - PSG
allDay: false
startTime: 21:00
endTime: 23:00
date: 2025-01-29
completed: null
---
[[2025-01-29|Ce jour]], Stuttgart - [[Paris SG|PSG]]:
Buteurs::
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,86 @@
---
Tag: ["Essay", "🇺🇸"]
Date: 2024-09-01
DocType: "Source"
Hierarchy: "NonRoot"
TimeStamp:
location:
Source:
Type: "Book"
Author: Henry Kissinger
Language: EN
Published: 2012-10-01
Link:
Read:
Cover: http://books.google.com/books/content?id=HhfceQZ3pmoC&printsec=frontcover&img=1&zoom=1&edge=curl&source=gbs_api
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Parent:: [[@Reading master|Reading list]]
ReadingState:: 🟧
---
&emsp;
```button
name Edit Source parameters
type command
action MetaEdit: Run MetaEdit
id EditMetaData
```
^button-SourceEdit
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-TNSave
&emsp;
# Diplomacy
&emsp;
> [!summary]+
>
&emsp;
```toc
style: number
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### Cover
&emsp;
```dataviewjs
dv.el("span", "![](" + dv.current().Source.Cover + ")")
```
&emsp;
---
&emsp;
### Notes
&emsp;
Loret ipsum
&emsp;
&emsp;

@ -0,0 +1,131 @@
---
Tag: ["📈", "🇺🇸", "🛩️", "♻️", "🚫"]
Date: 2024-08-17
DocType: "WebClipping"
Hierarchy:
TimeStamp: 2024-08-17
Link: https://www.propublica.org/article/nike-corporate-jet-travel-carbon-emissions
location:
CollapseMetaTable: true
---
Parent:: [[@News|News]]
Read:: [[2024-08-26]]
---
&emsp;
```button
name Save
type command
action Save current file
id Save
```
^button-AfterNikeLeadersPromisedClimateActionTheirCorporateJetsKeptFlyingNSave
&emsp;
# After Nike Leaders Promised Climate Action, Their Corporate Jets Kept Flying — and Polluting
ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive [our biggest stories](https://www.propublica.org/newsletters/the-big-story?source=www.propublica.org&placement=top-note&region=local) as soon as theyre published.
On dozens of occasions since 2020, a private Gulfstream jet belonging to Nike has touched down at Moffett Field, a federally owned airfield on the banks of San Francisco Bay.
The Silicon Valley sites most notable feature is a hulking building known as Hangar One, which in the 1930s housed a U.S. Navy airship and today is a conspicuous landmark along U.S. 101.
It also happens to sit about a 30-minute drive from one of Nike CEO John Donahoes homes. He became the Oregon-based companys top executive in January 2020, bought a condo in Portland and registered as an Oregon voter. But he also maintained a home in the Bay Area community of Portola Valley. His previous job was leading a tech company in Santa Clara, and his wife worked at Stanford University until September.
Nikes jets landed at Moffett more than 100 times in the first three and a half years of Donahoes tenure, flight-tracking records show. Landings at Moffett stopped in July 2023 but became more frequent at a nearby airport with a similar drive time to Portola Valley.
Donahoe and Nike executive chairperson Mark Parker have made clear that climate change is a crisis demanding urgent action. “Its about leading with actions, not words,” Parker said in Nikes 2019 corporate responsibility report. “We are more committed than ever to help save the planet,” Donahoe said in a 2022 company video.
Yet Nike has failed to shrink one aspect of its carbon footprint that the two men directly influence: travel on the private jets, which emit far more carbon per passenger than commercial airliners.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/Nike-private-jets-4_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=529&q=75&w=800&s=67e08381baa432e5fb57af15e5e7ce65)
One of Nikes private jets takes off from the airport where the company has a hangar in Hillsboro, Oregon, in July. Credit: Dave Killen/The Oregonian
Nikes jet travel is up. Company disclosures show that its private planes last year emitted almost 20% more carbon dioxide than they did in 2015, which the company uses as a baseline for its climate goals. The flights are one small reason Nike and its supply chain produced roughly as much carbon dioxide in 2023 as in 2015, despite the companys commitment to sharply reduce emissions.
The company owns two Gulfstream G650ERs. Flight-tracking records show that their destinations include [New York City](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&showTrace=2022-12-08&trackLabels), where the company has a corporate office, and Paris [during the Olympics](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a184ca&showTrace=2024-08-04) and [in April](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a184ca&showTrace=2024-04-09&trackLabels), when Nike unveiled its Olympic uniforms.
In July, a Nike jet flew down to San Jose, California, and back to its base in Hillsboro, Oregon; it then took off two days later [for Idaho](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a184ca&lat=44.952&lon=-117.842&zoom=6.0&showTrace=2024-07-09&trackLabels), where Donahoe and his wife were photographed at the Allen & Co. conference in Sun Valley, an annual gathering dubbed “[summer camp for billionaires](https://www.businessinsider.com/private-jets-billionaires-sun-valley-allen-and-co-conference-2024-7).”
Vacation spots Nike jets have traveled to include [Cape Cod](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&showTrace=2023-08-09), where Parker owns a home. Since 2020, the planes have landed there at least 15 times. Theyve touched down in the [Cayman Islands](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a3f6d3&showTrace=2023-12-27) at least six times since 2021.
But the Bay Area has been a magnet. It was an [out-of-the-way pit stop](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&showTrace=2023-04-30&trackLabels) for an Oregon-bound flight after Donahoe delivered the spring commencement keynote at West Virginias Marshall University in 2023. It has been a weekend destination with [Friday landings](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&showTrace=2022-11-04&trackLabels) and [Sunday returns](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&showTrace=2022-11-07&trackLabels) to Oregon. (The jets averaged about 10 flights a year to Moffett Field in the two years before Donahoes hiring, when he was a Nike board member and lived in California, versus an average of about 30 a year from 2020 through mid-2023, while he was Nikes CEO.)
More than 30 times, one of the companys private jets flew down to Moffett and back to Oregon in the same day, sometimes spending as little as [25 minutes on the ground](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a3f6d3&showTrace=2021-05-23).
If those flights ferried a single person in one direction, turning what would be one commercial flight into two by private jet, it would release 160 times as much carbon per passenger as if the person flew commercial, said Phillip Ansell, director of the Center for Sustainable Aviation at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. He called this arrangement “completely inexcusable.”
“In the current climate where aviation does not yet have a viable route to fully decarbonize, we need to see these types of flights come to a halt,” Ansell said.
Nike did not make Donahoe and Parker available for interviews and declined to say why the jets frequented Moffett Field and, more recently, San Jose Mineta International Airport.
The company said in a statement that its jet passengers comprise a variety of people who are essential to its business objectives, including executives, employees, athletes, entertainers and others. The jets improve productivity and address security concerns for executives, Nike said, calling private flights a standard practice among large global companies.
As for curbing carbon pollution, the company said that “we focus on Nikes areas of greatest impact,” noting that the bulk of its emissions come from the production of materials for its sneakers and apparel.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/Screenshot-2024-08-06-at-1.25.51-PM-PDedit.png?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=528&q=80&w=800&s=aefb145ca58870f07bee55d142411d75)
Nike CEO John Donahoe in front of a Nike jet. In an Instagram post by the University of North Carolinas head womens basketball coach, Courtney Banghart, she thanks him for a “lift.” Credit: Screenshot by ProPublica
Celebrities including Taylor Swift, Drake and Kylie Jenner have drawn scrutiny for their profligate jet-setting in the face of the planets record-breaking temperatures. And in the business world, CEOs are increasingly being allowed to use corporate jets for personal use, according to Equilar, a data firm that studies executive compensation. In 2018, 36% of S&P 500 companies included the perk in CEO pay packages. By last year, that had grown to 45%.
But Nike, the worlds largest athletic apparel company, stands apart: It has staked a claim as a corporate leader on the environment, joining thousands of companies pledging to voluntarily slash carbon emissions in line with the Paris Agreement on climate change.
Nike also stands out for disclosing more about its private jet travel than its peers. A review by ProPublica and The Oregonian/OregonLive of the disclosures of 30 companies, including 18 of Nikes self-identified peers, found no others that publicly report emissions from corporate jets. Roughly half report emissions from business travel, which can include jet use.
In addition to reporting rising emissions from its jets, Nikes disclosures show that it is behind on its ambitions for reducing its overall contribution to climate change. The company said in 2016 that it would halve its total emissions; instead they have grown slightly since 2015.
Meanwhile, since December, [Nike has laid off 20% of its dedicated sustainability staff](https://www.propublica.org/article/nike-layoffs-sustainability-climate-change), The Oregonian/OregonLive and ProPublica have reported, and lost another 10% through internal transfers or voluntary departures.
Nikes growing private jet use sets the wrong tone from the top, said Charles Elson, founding director of the Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance at the University of Delaware.
“Its, Do what I say, not as I do,’” Elson said. “Flying private aircraft all over the place certainly isnt a bold action in support of climate responsibility. Thats the problem. Your actions and your words seem to diverge in unflattering ways. It is not a good look.”
Private jet use represents less than a tenth of a percent of all Nikes emissions. The overwhelming majority come from production and shipping by the companys overseas suppliers. But the jets generate 6% of the carbon coming from assets that Nike owns, a share that has grown as Nike has powered its buildings around the world with renewable energy.
Donahoe, whose $29.2 million compensation last year made him one of Americas highest-paid executives, has an arrangement with Nike that allows him to use the jets for more than business. He can fly in them for personal travel at his own expense. He has reimbursed Nike more than $700,000 for such trips in the last two years, securities filings show.
In addition, the company has given the chief executive $293,000 in free personal travel since 2020 as part of his compensation. Parker, the executive chairperson, has received $494,000 in free personal use of the jets in that time.
The jets flight paths can be found on the website of ADS-B Exchange, which crowdsources location readings from airplane transponders. The flight records dont show who is on board, but in some cases flights coincided with news coverage and social media posts indicating their purpose.
Nikes jets have landed at golf destinations around the country. They visited Augusta, Georgia, ahead of the Masters Tournament in [2022](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a184d7&lat=32.126&lon=-81.205&zoom=5.0&showTrace=2022-04-05&trackLabels) and again in [2023](https://globe.adsbexchange.com/?icao=a93a39&lat=33.327&lon=-81.957&zoom=5.0&showTrace=2023-04-03&trackLabels). A Nike jet has joined the roughly 1,500 other private jets that crowd the small airport during the tournament, making it so busy that Golf Digest has described it as a “bonafide Heathrow.”
In 2022, Donahoe golfed in a morning pro-am event before the Memorial Tournament at Muirfield Village Golf Club, outside Columbus, Ohio. Social media photos show Donahoe playing with Rory McIlroy, a golf star Nike sponsors.
One of Nikes corporate jets landed in Columbus the day before the golf event; it returned to Oregon after the pro-am ended, flight records show.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/Screenshot-2024-08-06-at-1.38.39-PM-PDedit.png?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=528&q=80&w=800&s=9add963449f422aa788eeb6604c0b4e8) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/Screenshot-2024-08-06-at-1.38.48-PM-PDedit.png?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=527&q=80&w=800&s=38bb3525ea5600b7ae555c2650accf1b)
Photographs posted to Instagram from a Nike fan account show Donahoe golfing at an event outside Columbus, Ohio. At right in the second image is Rory McIlroy, a Nike-sponsored golf star. Flight records show one of Nikes corporate jets landed in Columbus the day before the event and returned to Oregon after it ended. Credit: Screenshot by ProPublica
Traveling by private jet is far more polluting than flying commercial.
Ansell, the sustainable aviation expert, said a fully loaded Gulfstream G650ER flight releases about 4.5 times as much carbon dioxide per passenger as a Boeing 737, the workhorse commercial airplane. If the Gulfstream is carrying only a single passenger, its about 80 times as polluting, he said, because the private aircrafts weight and fuel consumption stay roughly the same.
Nikes Gulfstream models can be configured to carry as many as 19 passengers. Its unknown how many people typically travel on them.
“It is patently irresponsible to be using luxury G650s for flights that carry only a few passengers,” Ansell said.
The pollution from Nikes jets adds up. Last year, they generated roughly the same amount of carbon dioxide as a passenger car driving 10.9 million miles, company disclosures and an Environmental Protection Agency emissions calculator show. (Imagine driving a car around the equator 438 times.) It was roughly equal to the amount of carbon pollution that would be released by burning 4.7 million pounds of coal.
While Nikes corporate jets have been generating more carbon, the company last year recorded a 65% decline compared to 2015 in emissions from another source: commercial air travel by rank-and-file employees.
Four former employees said the company has restricted worker travel in recent years. They said their managers didnt cite the need to reduce emissions but instead the need to save money. Nike, in a statement, said its employees also had embraced remote meeting tools since the pandemic, allowing them to “operate effectively without extensive travel.”
By contrast, the companys jets are used for transportation to “specific high-level meetings and events that require executive presence,” Nike said, “and cannot be conducted remotely.”
Ryanne Mena and [Jeff Frankl](https://www.propublica.org/people/jeff-frankl) of ProPublica contributed research.
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# Anatomy of a Murder
![](https://magazine.atavist.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Minn_1e-scaled.jpg)
 **Anatomy** 
 **of a**  **Murder**  
##  How a shocking crime divided
 a small Minnesota town.
By John Rosengren
###### The *Atavist* Magazine, No. 151
John Rosengren is a journalist in Minneapolis and has written for more than 100 publications, including *The Atlantic*, *Sports Illustrated*, and *The Washington Post Magazine*. He is the author of nine books, including *Hank Greenberg: The Hero of Heroes*. His previous *Atavist* story, “[The Pretender](https://magazine.atavist.com/the-free-and-the-brave-centralia-american-legion-wesley-everest-wobblies/),” was published as Issue No. 107.
**Editor:** Jonah Ogles
**Art Director:** Ed Johnson
**Copy Editor:** Sean Cooper
**Fact Checker:** Kyla Jones
**Illustrator:** Marco Lawrence
*Published in May 2024.*
---
**Grand Marais is a quiet outpost** on Lake Superiors North Shore, set among boreal forest in the easternmost corner of Minnesota. The town of roughly 1,300 is home to a mix of artists and outdoor enthusiasts, working-class people and professionals, liberals and diehard Trump supporters. In the summer, Grand Maraiss art galleries, shops, and restaurants swell with tourists drawn to what the website *Budget Travel* once dubbed “Americas Coolest Small Town.” The wait for a table at the Angry Trout Café, which serves locally sourced cuisine in an old fishing shanty, can run to more than an hour. When summer is over, the town retreats into itself again, which suits full-time residents just fine. “Even though were a tourism economy, most of us live a life where we just dont want to be bothered,” said Steve Fernlund, who published the *Cook County News Herald* in the 1990s and now writes a weekly column for *The North Shore Journal*. “Im at the end of a road, and Ive got 12 acres of land. My closest neighbors are probably about 600 feet away through the woods. So, you know, we appreciate being hermits.”
**Content warning: This story contains graphic descriptions of the sexual abuse of children.**
Yet privacy only extends so far here. Gossip travels fast while having breakfast at the South of the Border café, or in chance encounters along Wisconsin Street. Everybody knows everybody elses business—or thinks they do. “Even though there are differences of opinion—we have an eclectic collection of opinions—this is a close-knit community,” said Dennis Waldrop, who manages the Cook County Historical Museum. “Anything that happens here is discussed extensively.”
The residents of Grand Marais have had a lot to discuss in recent years. A suspicious fire that destroyed the historic Lutsen Lodge. The suicide of their neighbor Mark Pavelich, a star on the 1980 U.S. Olympic hockey team that defeated the Soviet Union. Plans for the 40 acres near town owned by convicted sex offender Warren Jeffs fundamentalist clan. All those events stirred plenty of talk.
But nothing has captivated local conversation quite like what happened between Larry Scully and Levi Axtell in March 2023. A shocking act of violence attracted international attention and split the town over questions of truth and justice. Grand Marais is still trying to piece itself back together.
---
**Every small town** has its cast of offbeat characters. Larry Scully was one of Grand Maraiss. Larry, who was 77 in 2023, dwelled on the fringe of town, where Fifth Street meets Highway 61, and on the fringe of reality. His two-bedroom house, which used to belong to his parents, was crowded with items hed hoarded over the years. The mess spilled into his front yard, which was cluttered with satellite dishes, a statue of the Virgin Mary, and a wood-frame sign advertising “antler bone art.” The sign was decorated with several of Larrys scrimshaw carvings, which he hawked at art fairs. In addition to carving, hed tried his hand at an array of other pursuits: refurbishing broken electronics, selling solar-powered generators that could run home appliances in the event of an emergency, and even fashioning leather lingerie that he peddled to women. Larry had had no stable career to speak of since he arrived in town in the early 1980s.
Larry was a conspiracy theorist. On his Facebook page, he posted videos and articles declaring that the federal government controlled the weather, that Sandy Hook was a hoax, that Timothy McVeigh was a “CIA patsy,” that the totalitarian New World Order was real. Around Grand Marais, Larry was also known to be exceedingly religious. He attended Mass on Saturday evenings at St. Johns Catholic Church, always sitting in the front row, and he believed that the statues there cried actual tears—sometimes of blood. He carried a lock of hair that he said once belonged to Father Mark Hollenhorst, a priest at St. Johns who died in 1993, in a leather pouch around his neck; he claimed that it could effect miraculous cures.
Larry referred to himself as a prophet and would often appear around town dressed in a cloak and sandals and carrying a wooden staff. He once showed up on the courthouse steps for the National Day of Prayer clad all in black, his head covered by a medieval-type chainmail hood, and fell to his knees screaming. Another time he berated a group of gay people whod gathered in downtown Grand Marais, shouting through a bullhorn that God didnt approve of them.
Many locals found Larrys zeal exhausting. “When Id see him, Id know I was going to be there for a long time, because hed go on and on,” said Laura Laky, a Grand Marais resident. “Hed talk about the end-times, the Book of Revelation, Christ coming again.”
Other people were scared of Larry. Rumors that he abused children circulated around Grand Marais for years. People whispered about him watching kids from his parked car. There were claims that hed videotaped girls volleyball games and children at Sven and Oles, the local pizzeria. A member of the nearby Chippewa tribe told me that Larry had been banned from the Grand Portage powwow after parents complained about him passing out candy to their children.
Larry once approached a man named Gary Nesgoda at a gas station and asked if he had kids. When Nesgoda said that he did, Larry showed him pictures of a fairy garden hed built behind his house. There were miniature staircases and doors, and little figurines set amid tree roots. Larry insisted that Nesgoda, who had recently moved to Grand Marais, should bring his kids over to see it. “Everything he was telling me sounded pretty neat,” Nesgoda told me. Then, in the gas station parking lot, someone whod overheard the conversation stopped Nesgoda. “Do not bring your children over there,” they warned.
This was a common theme. “Larry was the boogeyman,” said Brian Larsen, editor and publisher of the *Cook County News Herald*, who is a father of four children. “Youd tell your kids to stay the heck away from him.”
In 2014, Larry decided to run for mayor of Grand Marais. In a candidate forum broadcast on WTIP, a community radio station, he ranted about Christianity. “We cant sit by and let our government stop us from having the Bible in the military, taking out the crucifixes, taking out the Ten Commandments in our federal buildings and establishments,” he said. Then, just before election day, the *Cook County News Herald* ran a front-page article that seemed to confirm the longstanding speculation about Larry. The piece detailed his criminal conviction for the sexual assault of a six-year-old girl.
## “Take whatever treatment is available to you,” the judge said, “because this type of conduct, of course, is just wholly unacceptable.”
**Before he became** an object of fear and fascination in Grand Marais, Larry was married—twice. For a time he lived with his second wife, Sheila, in Ramsey, about 25 miles outside Minneapolis. On Ash Wednesday in 1979, Sheila went to evening Mass and then to bowl in her weekly league, leaving Larry home alone with their five children: three young boys from his first marriage and six-year-old twins, a boy and a girl, from hers. While the other children slept, according to police and court records, Larry invited his stepdaughter into his bedroom.
The little girl later told a police investigator that he showed her “pictures of naked people,” touched her “potty area” with a vibrator, then stuck his tongue and finger into her vagina. She said it wasnt the only time hed touched her, and that hed warned her not to tell anyone, but she went to her mother anyway. Sheila reported the incident to child welfare services, who notified law enforcement. She told the police investigator that her husband had also recently become violent and suicidal.
The police arrested Larry. In a recorded statement with investigators, he admitted that hed had sexual contact with his stepdaughter on two Wednesday evenings while his wife was bowling. A psychiatrist determined that he was competent to stand trial, finding no evidence of “any kind of psychiatric disorder.” Rather than face a jury, Larry confessed to second-degree criminal sexual conduct, and the prosecution recommended a sentence of five years. Two court psychologists submitted reports indicating that Larry wasnt open to receiving treatment. At an October 1979 hearing, the judge urged Larry to reconsider. “Take whatever treatment is available to you,” the judge said, “because this type of conduct, of course, is just wholly unacceptable.”
Larry was incarcerated in Minnesotas Stillwater prison, and in records from his time there, theres no mention of him receiving counseling or treatment, though he did join a Bible study. Soon, changes to the states sentencing guidelines allowed Larry to seek early release. Since the state did not provide evidence that doing so would “present a danger to the public,” the court approved Larrys request. He left prison on January 19, 1982, after serving a little more than two years for his crime.
In those days, there was no sex offender registry in Minnesota, or in most states. Larry was at liberty to go where he liked. Sheila had divorced him by then, and his three sons were living with their mother. Larry, who was 36 at the time, hitchhiked to Grand Marais to move in with his parents.
Three decades later, Larry lost the towns mayoral election, 345 votes to 42. Many locals were surprised that hed gotten any votes at all, especially after the story broke about his criminal record. “Forty-something people voted for him,” said Amber Waldrop, who lived down the street from Larry. “They knew about this guy. For anybody to even think that someone like that should become mayor of this town is sickening.”
Some of those votes came from Larrys friends, many of whom shared his belief in conspiracy theories. Perhaps its no surprise that they also believed what Larry told them: that the accusations against him were made up, that his ex-wife had encouraged her daughter to lie to the police, that he only took the plea deal to avoid a long prison sentence.
Larrys friends knew that he tended to hijack conversations and go on at length about topics ranging from the Rapture to homeopathic cures, and that he engaged strangers in ways many people found uncomfortable. But being an oddball, they said, isnt a crime. Some of his friends thought Larry was on the autism spectrum, which made it hard for him to read social cues and show empathy. “This man has been persecuted all of his life,” said Bob Stangler, a Vietnam veteran who knew Larry for years. “The citizens of the area have labeled him a pervert, and hes not a pervert at all. Hes a genius with Aspergers whos overcaring of people.”
A woman Ill call Carol, who asked that her real name not be used, said she was so close with Larry that she spoke to him almost daily for 12 years. She knew him to visit sick people, distribute food to the needy, and take care of his ailing mother, who died in 2013. At her memorial service, Larry displayed his mothers ashes in a cookie jar resembling the Star Wars character R2-D2, saying that it was what she wanted. (His father passed away in 1997.) “As long as Ive known him, he never hurt anybody,” Carol told me.
She knows that hers is a minority opinion, that for many people in town Larry was foremost a convicted sex offender. “You can never get rid of that label,” she said.
Once they learned about his 1979 conviction, many parents in Grand Marais were more worried than ever that Larry posed a threat to their children. Its a common enough fear. On the far right, popular conspiracy theories such as QAnon decry a global cabal of child molesters, but even among the general population, concern about the danger posed by pedophiles is widespread. In a [Lynn University](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267256472_Myths_and_Facts_About_Sexual_Violence_Public_Perceptions_and_Implications_for_Prevention) [pol](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267256472_Myths_and_Facts_About_Sexual_Violence_Public_Perceptions_and_Implications_for_Prevention)[l](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/267256472_Myths_and_Facts_About_Sexual_Violence_Public_Perceptions_and_Implications_for_Prevention), 75 percent of roughly 200 Florida adults said they believed that sex offenders would reoffend. Yet according to a [meta-st](https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/sx-ffndr-rcdvsm/sx-ffndr-rcdvsm-eng.pdf)[udy cond](https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/2004-02-prdctrs-sxl-rcdvsm-pdtd/2004-02-prdctrs-sxl-rcdvsm-pdtd-eng.pdf)[ucted](https://www.publicsafety.gc.ca/cnt/rsrcs/pblctns/2004-02-prdctrs-sxl-rcdvsm-pdtd/2004-02-prdctrs-sxl-rcdvsm-pdtd-eng.pdf) by researchers at Public Safety Canada in 2004, one of the most comprehensive available, only 23 percent of people convicted of child sexual abuse were charged or convicted of a similar crime within the next 15 years. (The studys authors concede that many victims never come forward.) In interviews for this story, researchers noted that recidivism rates have declined even more in recent years.
No one came forward to accuse Larry of more recent abuse after his 1979 conviction. Still, perception alone was enough to put many Grand Marais parents on edge. For one young man, that concern became an obsession.
---
**If you were passing through** Grand Marais a few years back and stopped for gas at the Holiday station on the corner of Broadway and Highway 61, you might have met a stocky cashier with a round, friendly face. While making change, he might have told you one of his homespun puns or signature dad jokes: *Why does Paul Bunyan trip in the woods? Because hes always felling.*
That cashier was Levi Axtell. He was raised by his parents, Denise and Treg, in Hovland, a small community located 18 miles from Grand Marais. The Axtells were devout Christians and widely respected in Grand Marais, where they both worked. Denise was a nurse, Treg a physical therapist. The couple had three children: daughters Karlee and Katrina, and Levi, the youngest.
Levi grew up in a picturesque log cabin in a clearing among birch and pine trees. The woods were his playground. He spent hours there as a child, often with his friend and neighbor Cedar Adams. They roasted marshmallows over campfires, tried to catch fish barehanded, and played make-believe, running through the trees as if an attacker were pursuing them.
But Levi couldnt outrun his demons. There was a history of addiction on Denises side of the family, and Levi seemed to have inherited a predisposition to substance abuse. At Cook County High School, he played football, ran track, and drank. Brad Wilson, a carpenter in Grand Marais who was a few years behind him in school, recalled Levi getting caught with liquor bottles in his locker and running from the cops.
Levis parents sent him to finish school in Duluth, but he was cited twice within two months for underage drinking. The first time was at Duluth East High School. On the morning of May 29, 2014, when a resource officer tried to restrain him, an inebriated Levi pulled away. The officer wrestled Levi to the ground, but he pushed himself up and army-crawled—with the officer on top of him—down the hallway, until he wore himself out. Levi spent two days in jail and was charged with disorderly conduct and obstructing the legal process with force. “I didnt know it made the charges worse if you resisted arrest,” he later told Cedar Adams.
Not long after, a law enforcement officer stopped Levi as he walked along the shoulder of Interstate 35. The officer smelled booze on his breath, and Levi admitted that hed been drinking. The officer cited him and let him go after Levi dumped out a container of alcohol he was carrying.
Three days later, Levi was given a year of probation for his disorderly conduct at Duluth East. (The obstruction charge was dropped.) A judge also ordered him to obtain a chemical-dependency assessment and follow any recommendations. Levi satisfied the terms of his probation, including a stint in treatment.
By 2015, Levi had started dating Anna Ross, who was from Duluth. Their daughter was born on June 17, 2016. Anna had just turned 19; Levi was 20. At first they didnt live together—Anna stayed in Duluth, while Levi lived with his parents in Hovland. He adored his daughter and beamed when she was in his arms.
Despite the new light in his life, Levi remained burdened at times by darkness. About a year after his daughters birth, on the Sunday evening of Memorial Day weekend, Levi got drunk, taped a vacuum hose to the exhaust pipe of his car, ran the other end through the back window, and started the engine. When he texted Anna about what hed done, she called the sheriffs department. While she was on the phone with them, Levi called her, and she talked him into turning off the car. Deputies arrived at his home and transported Levi to the hospital. It appears that he received some psychiatric treatment after the incident; a year later he indicated in a court document that hed been a patient in a mental hospital and had seen a psychiatrist.
Despite his troubles, Levi was by all accounts goofy and lovable. Christina Conroy, a friend who worked with Levi briefly at the Holiday station, described him as “a beautiful soul.” Cedar Adams said, “Hes the best person youll ever meet. Hes joyful.” Michael Farnum, another friend, told me, “Levi is very kind and caring. Hed give you the shirt off his back.” His mother, Denise, described Levi as “a sweet, thoughtful boy.” (Levis family otherwise declined to talk to me.)
People who knew him casually from encounters at Holiday or Grand Maraiss Whole Foods Co-op, where he also briefly worked, described Levi as personable and a hard worker. Pat Eliasen, the Cook County sheriff and a former assistant coach for the varsity football team at the local high school, coached Levi, who played nose tackle and offensive guard. “Youd tell Levi to do a technique or something and he would just go do it,” Eliasen told me. “You couldnt find a better football player than that.”
A photo posted on Facebook in 2023 shows Levi with his daughter climbing on his shoulders. According to friends, she was his everything. He was often her primary caregiver while Anna completed a social work degree and later held down two jobs. In the winter, Levi built his daughter snow forts that were so solid he could light a campfire inside. He and his daughter cooked together, drew pictures, and took walks. “Shes his life,” Adams told me.
Levi could not bear the thought of anything bad happening to his little girl. Like any parent, he was on the lookout for any threat to his child. At some point, his attention came to rest squarely on Larry Scully.
![](https://magazine.atavist.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Minn_3b-1691x2500.jpg)
**By 2018,** Anna was working as a day care provider at the YMCA in Grand Marais, which was adjacent to an elementary school. People in town had seen Larry in his van across the street; they claimed that he was watching kids. Anna told Levi that the day care staff opted not to take the kids, which included her and Levis daughter, on outings when they knew that Larry was in the vicinity. (Sara Cole, who oversaw the Grand Marais day care operation as CEO of the Duluth Area Family YMCA, disputed this in an email to me.)
But while Anna and other local parents were wary of Larry, Levi became fixated on him—intensely so. On April 5, 2018, when his daughter was 21 months old, Levi filed for a protective court order to keep Larry away from her. In his petition, Levi wrote that Larry “was stalking” his daughter “by waiting in his van by the YMCA,” where hed said hello to the little girl. “He has been there many times stalking children in his van. I have seen him parked right next to the school,” Levi noted.
On April 12, just a week after filing for the protective order, Levi went for an afternoon run. Even though hed been attending 12-step meetings, he wound up drunk after buying a handle of whiskey and draining it in half an hour. Levi and Anna had an agreement that he couldnt be around their daughter if he was intoxicated. He knew he had to tell Anna not to bring their daughter over that night, so he stopped in at Trinity Lutheran Church in Hovland to call her—either because he didnt have a cell phone on him or because his service in the area was spotty.
Around 4:30 p.m., pastor Kris Garey encountered Levi at the church. He told her that he was drunk and needed to use the phone, which shed let him do in the past. They sat down to talk in the sanctuary, then Levi tipped out of his chair, which triggered an outburst of anger. “Im getting the fuck out of here,” he yelled. “Im killing the fucking bastard.”
Garey followed Levi outside to the churchs parking lot, which was empty except for her gray Nissan Rogue. Levi circled the car and climbed inside. When he couldnt find the keys, he got out and yelled so loudly about killing someone that neighbors of the church heard him. Then he grabbed a snow shovel and punched out the Nissans headlights and pounded its hood. Garey quietly called 911.
Levi kept going: He picked up a wrought iron table and heaved it at the Nissans windshield. He removed the cars gas cap and sparked a lighter next to the opening. Garey, trying to remain calm while waiting for the police to arrive, implored him to give her the lighter. Levi sparked it again. She approached him, holding out her hand and asking for the lighter. Finally he let it fall to the ground.
When deputy Christopher Schrupp pulled into the Trinity parking lot, Levi dropped to his knees, placed his hands on his head, and let Schrupp handcuff him. Levi would later plead guilty to first-degree criminal damage, a felony, and receive four years of supervised probation. The judge would also order him to complete an additional chemical-dependency assessment and submit to more treatment.
In his report about the incident, Schrupp wrote that Levi had screamed the same thing repeatedly. He did it inside the squad car, during the 15-minute drive to the hospital, and in the emergency room, even after hospital staff had placed him in restraints. Over and over, Levi screamed that he hated pedophiles and wanted to kill Larry Scully.
## “I fear for my daughters safety and well-being knowing that Larrys out there stalking and grooming children,” Levi told the judge. “Its very distressing for me.”
**None of this came up** six weeks later, on May 25, 2018, when Levi appeared before Judge Michael Cuzzo in the Cook County courthouse to argue that Larry should not be allowed anywhere near his daughter. Cuzzo, a grandfatherly type with a close-cropped gray beard, told Levi to provide “evidence of specific facts and circumstances” supporting his petition for a protective order. Levi was unable to do so. Indeed, he seemed confused and overwhelmed by the proceedings. He even backtracked on his charge that Larry had spoken to his daughter and to other children, saying that hed merely waved. “You were expected to have come prepared,” Cuzzo admonished Levi.
The most Levi could do was describe his worry. “I fear for my daughters safety and well-being knowing that Larrys out there stalking and grooming children, like giving them gifts and stuff, while Im at work and unable to watch out for her,” he told the judge. “Its very distressing for me.”
When it was Larrys turn to speak, he told the court, “I have never had any words of disagreement, or arguments, or anything to incite Mr. Axtell. And as far as I know, Ive never done anything that would upset him. And in the past, he has been very gracious and pleasant to me at his place of employment, even going so far as giving me stuff that was going to be discarded. ”
Larry called two witnesses, his friend Jerome Brandt and Jeromes wife, Patricia. The couple lived across from the YMCA, and Larry explained that when he parked his van on the street next to the facility, it was to visit the Brandts. He said that he waved at children when they waved at him. Jerome confirmed in his testimony that Larry visited the Brandt house “several times a week.” Patricia, addressing Larry directly, said, “Youve always been good to us, and our family, and my granddaughter, too. I trust you with children. Ive never seen you abuse one of them.”
Cuzzo needed only six minutes in his chambers to consider the situation. When he returned, he said that Levi had not provided sufficient evidence that Larry had harassed his daughter or was a threat to her. “I cant just issue a harassment restraining order because you believe Mr. Scully has performed acts against other people,” Cuzzo said. But before he adjourned the court, Cuzzo issued a directive to Larry. “Take notice from the filing of this petition that Mr. Axtell does not want you to have contact with his daughter,” Cuzzo said. “Take heed of that so we dont end up back here at some point in the future.”
A few weeks later, Larry came into the Holiday gas station to buy lunch, and Levi refused to ring him up. Larry left in a huff. He drove to the sheriffs office and reported the matter to a deputy, demanding that she make Levi serve him. The deputy pointed out that this wasnt a criminal matter, and she suggested that Larry speak to the Holiday manager.
Larry complained that he was being harassed, and not for the first time. It seemed like people were trying to make his life miserable, maybe even run him out of town. That included members of his own family.
![](https://magazine.atavist.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Minn_4b.jpg)
**Larry, born in 1945**, was the eldest of eight children. His parents, Marge and Al Scully, raised their kids in Minnetonka, now a Minneapolis suburb. Patrick, the youngest, was a sophomore in high school and the only one still living at home when his parents relocated to Grand Marais in 1975. He stayed in town after finishing school, working as a first responder and an ambulance driver. Patrick didnt like it when Larry got out of prison and moved in with their parents, and he didnt like it when Larry stayed in the family home after their parents died. Nor did their brother Jon, who visited regularly from his home in suburban Minneapolis. (Jon eventually retired and moved to Grand Marais in 2019.)
Patrick and Jon kept close tabs on Larry. They tracked him on Facebook, scoured the newspaper for items about him, confronted him in town, and frequently reported perceived legal infractions to the sheriffs department. Patrick and his siblings showed people around Grand Marais photocopied court documents pertaining to Larrys 1979 conviction. In 2015, shortly after Larrys conviction had been detailed in the newspaper and hed lost the mayoral election, Patrick obtained a restraining order against his brother. He applied for another one to protect himself, his wife, and his brother Jon in 2019. At the hearing, Judge Cuzzo, whod denied Levi Axtells request for a restraining order a year prior, was again on the bench.
Around town, Larry complained to anyone whod listen that he was the real victim in the situation. He accused his brothers of slashing the tires on his car, torching his motor home, and stealing a crucifix from outside his house. He claimed Jon once pointed a pistol at his head in Patricks presence. “Dont shoot him here,” Larry claimed Patrick said. “If you shoot him here, Ill go to prison as an accessory.” When a sheriffs deputy questioned Jon, he said the incident never happened. The brothers also said they had nothing to do with any damage to Larrys property and were able to provide alibis when questioned by law enforcement.
Patrick told his pastor, Dale McIntire, that he was worried about Larrys mental state and thought Larry needed medical treatment. Patrick and Jon insisted that by monitoring their brother and publicizing information about his criminal record, they were only trying to keep the citizens of Grand Marais safe. They had the support of their other siblings, who were scattered about Minnesota and Colorado, and details from court records and subsequent interviews with six of the siblings indicate why.
According to the Scully siblings, when they were growing up in Minnetonka, Larry molested all seven of them. “Were all in one large bedroom, and Im up in my bed, listening to my sisters trying to fight off my brother,” Terry, the fourth-eldest child, told me. “This happens repeatedly. It was so tormenting for me. I wanted to protect my sisters, but I felt so weak.” Patrick stated under oath that Larry molested him on a family vacation, when Patrick was just five years old. Jon testified that Larry once suspended him by his wrists from the rafters in a cellar and abused him. “The torture Larry did to Jon was medieval,” said Beth, the second youngest, who also claimed that Larry raped her many times. If she fought back, she said, he smothered her mouth and nose with his hand or clamped down on her carotid artery until she passed out. If she stayed still, he rewarded her with candy or a trip to Queen Anne Kiddieland, a small amusement park not far from their home. “Hes the devil,” Beth told me, bursting into tears.
Patrick remembered Larry killing chickens and decapitating a cat. “Hed tell us, If you tell Mom and Dad whats going on, youre next,’ ” Patrick said. That mostly kept them quiet, but when they did speak up, according to the siblings, their parents didnt believe them, even when presented with direct evidence. Jane told me that Larry raped and impregnated her when she was 12, and when their mother noticed that Jane had stopped using menstrual pads and confronted her about being pregnant, Jane snapped, “If I am, its your asshole sons baby.” She said that Marge knocked her down a set of steep steps, causing Jane to bloody her head against a wall. Jon said that he watched it happen. According to the siblings, their parents borrowed money to pay for an abortion and gave Larry condoms.
In another instance, Mike, the Scullys second son, came home one night when he was 17 and found Larry assaulting Mary, the eldest girl. Mike blackened Larrys eyes, then carried him into his parents room and heaved his naked brother onto their bed, waking them up. “I said, Larry, you tell them what you were doing,’ ” Mike said. Larry wouldnt, so Mike did. “My mother said to me, Pack up your stuff and get the hell out of here, you little lying son of a bitch!’ ” Mike left and moved to Colorado.
Much of this was detailed at the 2019 court hearing to consider Patricks application for a restraining order. When it was Larrys turn to speak, he didnt deny the accusations against him. Instead, he focused on an anecdote Jon had shared about a time when Larry had held him down in the front pew during Mass and wouldnt let him go until the priest, Father Seamus Walsh, halted the communion service to intervene. “I wish Father Seamus was here as a witness,” Jon said, to which Larry responded, “Being that Father Seamus isnt here, then you dont have any\[thing\] other than your word against mine on what took place.”
Larry argued that his siblings had no evidence of what they claimed hed done to them as children, or of the threat he now posed—to them or to anyone else. “I have never done anything to hurt anybody,” Larry told Judge Cuzzo. “There was no proven stuff of me being a person going around trying to groom people, or going around in town, assaulting children, and doing all this stuff. So it was false accusations, just hearsay.” Still, Cuzzo found the siblings and their concerns credible and granted the restraining order Patrick had requested. The judge set it for 50 years.
Larrys friends dismissed his siblings accounts of abuse. “Thats all false,” Carol told me. “There were no facts, no evidence to prove it.” She said that Larrys brothers and sisters resented that hed been given the family home after their mother died and were motivated by greed. The siblings maintained that Larry was squatting in the house, though they never took any legal action to remove him.
Jerome Brandt recounted a time when, in July 2015, he drove Larry over to Patricks house so that Larry could give his brother a Bible. As they walked up the driveway, Patrick saw them through the screen door. “He was shouting, Get off my property, you blankety-blank,’ ” Brandt said. “Ive got you in my crosshairs.’ ” Brandt did not see a gun. Still, afraid that they might be shot, he persuaded Larry to leave the Bible in the driveway and retreat to his car.
According to Patrick, he met Larry and Brandt ten feet from the door and told them to go away. He recalled Larry saying, “Im praying for you. I forgive you.” Patrick insisted that he never threatened to shoot the two men. He said that he wasnt even armed. He told a sheriffs deputy who questioned him about the encounter that if hed wanted to shoot his brother, he would have done it.
Brad Wilson, who lived next door to Larry, told me that he sometimes saw Patrick and Jon slow down when driving by. Theyd shout nasty things or throw objects to provoke Larry to come outside. Theyd yell that he needed to get out of their parents house. Larry would tell them to leave or hed call the police. Wilson thought that the brothers picked on Larry. “I believe the guy was trying to mind his own fucking business for a long time,” he said.
Paul Scully, the eldest of Larrys three sons, told me that he didnt believe his father had ever molested anyone—not in the family, and not outside of it. He blamed his fathers siblings, especially Patrick and Jon, for tension in the family. “They hated my father,” Paul told me. “Its almost like they made it a full-time job to harass him. They wanted that house ever since my grandma died.”
“My father always said if anything ever happened to him,” Paul added, “my uncles had something to do with it.”
---
**Following their encounter** at the gas station, when Levi Axtell refused to ring Larry up, the two men had a few more run-ins. The Holidays owner ended up banning Larry from the premises because of something hed said to a female cashier that made her uncomfortable, but almost a year later he came back anyway and purchased a prepaid Verizon card. Levi was at the register. When the phone card didnt work, Larry demanded a refund, and Levi told him to take up the matter with Verizon. Larry returned the next day and confronted Levi, and the owner, Courtney Quaife, told him that he had to leave. Quaife then reported Larry to the police, and he was charged with misdemeanor trespassing.
On November 13, 2020, a court determined that Larry was not competent to stand trial for the misdemeanor charge; according to two court-appointed psychologists, he met the criteria for civil commitment, in which individuals are placed in a secure facility for treatment, most often for mental illness. One of the psychologists diagnosed Larry with “substantial psychiatric disorders of thought, mood, perception, and orientation that grossly impair \[his\] judgment, behavior, capacity to recognize reality, and to reason or understand.” The psychologist concluded that Larry posed a danger to other people, based on “recent alleged threats that he made toward his family members,” and that there was a “substantial likelihood” of him causing “physical harm to himself,” because he seemed to have difficulty with self-care.
In recent years, Larrys house had become practically unlivable. His hoarding was so out of hand that there was almost nowhere to move inside. Four-foot-high piles of debris clogged the rooms. “Nobody could go in there,” one of his friends told me. “Same with his car—you couldnt even get in it.” Larry had grown a long, unkempt white beard. His teeth were rotting. He told his son Paul that hed stopped taking his diabetes medication because hed “cured” it by losing weight.
Patrick and Jon managed to enter the house at one point, and what Patrick saw stirred his compassion for his brother. Larry had moved a microwave and toaster into the bathroom, because it was the only place with any space for him to live. “I saw hed been reduced to this, eating and sleeping in the bathroom,” Patrick said. “I saw him as a victim at this time. Even a pig doesnt have to live like that.”
At first, Larry contested that he met the criteria for civil commitment. At a court hearing on March 19, 2021, Judge Cuzzo agreed to stay a mandated commitment for six months, in part based on Larrys willingness to meet with a primary care physician, follow any recommendations for therapy, and take any prescribed medications. The court also informed Larry that hed be required to allow representatives from the Cook County Public Health and Human Services Department to inspect his home. Grand Marais being a small town, one of the social workers who would attempt to visit Larrys home was Anna Ross, the mother of Levis daughter. But neither Ross nor any other social workers were able to reach Larry or gain access to his house, prompting the county attorneys office to ask Cuzzo to lift the stay and commit him to a facility. Larry failed to appear at a court hearing on April 21, and sheriffs deputies detained him three days later. Cuzzo signed an order for him to be treated for six months at the Community Behavioral Health Hospital in Baxter.
At the hearing regarding a restraining order two years prior, Patrick had requested that his brother receive a psychiatric evaluation so that he could “get the long-overdue help that I believe he desperately needs.” Now Patrick believed Larry might finally get that help, at the age of 75. For the other Scully siblings, the overwhelming feeling was one of relief in seeing the man they claimed had abused them locked up; they hoped that he would remain so for the rest of his life. When Jane saw him in court before he was sent to Baxter, Larry was wearing an orange jumpsuit and shackles. “That was wonderful,” Jane told me. “It was good to see him like that. He could hardly walk. Being restrained where he couldnt get you, you know?”
The feeling of relief didnt last. After Larrys mandated stay at Baxter, the court ruled that he had “substantially complied with all items outlined in the discharge treatment plan.” He was released and went home to Grand Marais. The county and court would intervene again only as a result of a precipitating event: another arrest, a family member expressing concern, or a physician whod treated him saying he could no longer take care of himself. None of that happened.
Larry remained at home, where his physical condition, and that of his house, declined over the next two years. The mounds of junk grew. They blocked the path to the bathroom, so Larry started using an outdoor toilet. Sympathetic observers were concerned. “Law enforcement couldve done more in getting him help for his problems and him away from his community,” Grand Marais resident Laura Laky told me.
But there are limits to how long the state can hold someone. In Minnesota, individuals can only be committed for up to six months at a stretch unless someone is deemed to be mentally ill and dangerous, to have a sexual psychopathic personality, or to be sexually dangerous. Larry didnt qualify as any of those. “We did what we could when we could,” Cook County attorney Molly Hicken told me. “Our commitment laws are such that people maintain their own authority over themselves and their bodies up until a certain point. Its all about the balancing of peoples rights. Thats what our system is set up to do.”
Some people in Grand Marais believe that the system was to blame for what happened next—and not only to Larry. “I believe if Levi wouldve gotten more help,” said Amber Lovaasen, Larrys niece. “that probably wouldnt have gone the way it did.”
![](https://magazine.atavist.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Minn_2a-1691x2500.jpg)
**Levi and Anna got married** in late 2018, but they filed for divorce less than two years later, signing legal paperwork that said “the marriage cannot be saved” due to “an irretrievable breakdown of our marriage relationship.” Levis mental health no doubt played at least some role in this.
The following winter, Levi staged a one-man protest urging a boycott of the Whole Foods Co-op, where hed recently been employed. Hed earned $14 an hour stocking produce and ringing up groceries, but he didnt think it was enough to provide for his daughter. Her day care alone cost $760 a month. After wrangling with the stores management over a personal tip jar he propped up at the register, Levi lost his job. Soon after that, he set up a table and chair outside the stores entrance along with a sign demanding that the co-op pay living wages.
Levi sat alone in the bitter cold for days—some locals remember it as weeks. He collected a few donations that he split with other co-op employees, but on the whole his campaign garnered scant sympathy. For a lot of people, it was a sign that something might not be quite right with Levi. “That was an indicator to me that perhaps he was struggling with his mental health,” his friend Christina Conroy told me.
After that, to make ends meet, Levi did odd jobs: clearing snow from roofs, picking weeds, cutting down trees, cleaning apartments, building shelves. By the end of 2022, he and Anna had reconciled enough that they agreed to live together for their daughters sake. They shared a split-level home on the edge of Grand Marais, and their property backed up against the woods behind Larrys house. That meant Levi was now neighbors with the man who, over the previous five years, hed come to consider his worst nightmare.
According to friends, Levi generally kept his fears about Larry to himself following the outburst at Trinity Lutheran. He didnt bring up Larry in casual conversation, though it seemed that Larry was on his mind. He once posted a meme on Facebook depicting a person holding a gun, with a caption that read, “Only cure for pedophiles. A bullet.” In a comment below the image, Levi wrote, “People always ask me why I hate pedophiles. They assume Ive been abused. But really I think being protective is just an Axtell trait.”
His friend Amber Waldrop knew that trait well. Shed met Levi in an outpatient treatment program for addiction, and she found that despite his personal struggles—or maybe because of them—he looked out for other people. Once, they were walking on the lakeshore together and stumbled upon a hornets nest. Waldrop thought that shed been stung and panicked because she was allergic and didnt have an EpiPen with her. Levi rushed her home in his car. In another instance, when Waldrop was in a dark place, Levi talked her through it. “He has a really big heart,” Waldrop told me.
Many people in Grand Marais knew that Levi had issues and that he could be aggressive when he was drunk. But those close to him didnt imagine that he would commit brutal violence against another person. On March 8, 2023, Brad Wilson, the carpenter who lived next to Larry Scully, learned that they were wrong.
As the light drained from the sky that afternoon, Wilson was in his garage putting away some tools when he heard a loud crash, like the sound of a car accident. It came from Larrys driveway. Wilson raced over and saw that Levi had slammed his white Dodge Caravan into Larrys car. Levi had then jumped out of the van, grabbed a garden shovel from the deck, and barged inside the house. Wilson arrived on the scene in time to hear Larrys screams.
Wilson stopped short of going inside. He heard the thud of the shovel hitting something, then hitting it again. “Help! Help!” Larry cried out.
Wilson, who had mowed Larrys lawn the previous summer without pay and generally felt sorry for the man, wanted to intervene, but he feared for his own safety. From his vantage at the front door, he could tell that Levi was in a drunken rage. And Wilson knew from watching Levi play football when they were in high school that although he was only five foot eight and 185 pounds, he was strong. Wilson also feared that Levi might have a gun.
Wilson went around the back of the house to look through an open window. He saw that Levi had trapped Larry in a corner of the kitchen. Hemmed in by stacks of hoarded junk, 77-year-old Larry had nowhere to go. Wilson saw Levi swing the shovel at Larry, who raised his arms as a frail shield against the blows.
Wilson ducked beneath the window and called the sheriffs department. He then heard a different kind of smash and what was “almost like gurgling.” Wilson said, “It sounded like he was choking on his own blood.” The screaming stopped; Wilson knew that Larry was dead.
Levi bolted out of the house, got into his van, and peeled away. But he wasnt fleeing. Instead, spattered with his victims blood, he drove four blocks to the sheriffs department, walked inside, and announced that he had just killed Larry Scully. He confessed that he had hit Larry between 15 and 20 times with a shovel, then “finished him off” with a large moose antler.
## According to a report from the court-appointed psychologist who evaluated him, Levi considered himself a hero for killing Larry: “\[He\] believes that others are likely relieved this was taken care of.’”
**At Levis arraignment,** Cook County attorney Molly Hicken successfully argued that bail should be set at $1 million. She told Judge Cuzzo, who was again presiding, “This was a brutal attack without provocation on an elderly man.” People close to Larry thought the attack *was* provoked—by his brothers Patrick and Jon. “They basically got the whole town against him,” his son Paul told me. “They created the environment where my father could be lynched.”
It was a sentiment that Larry himself had voiced at the hearing three years prior, when Patrick sought a restraining order. “Hes talked to other people and had Levi Axtell say I was trying to groom his daughter,” Larry said. “This shows the vindictiveness of my brother Patrick. Hes trying to establish that Im a predator.”
According to a report from Mischelle Vietanen, the court-appointed psychologist who evaluated him, Levi considered himself a hero for killing Larry. “\[He\] believes that others are likely relieved this was taken care of,’ ” Vietanen wrote. She determined that Levi was “impacted by hallucinations, delusions, and paranoia,” and that he was “unable or unwilling to take responsibility for making decisions to interrupt a repeat of impulsive, harmful behaviors.”
Based on Vietanens recommendation, Cuzzo found Levi incompetent to stand trial and suspended the criminal charges against him. Should he regain competency, prosecutors could proceed with trying him for second-degree murder.
In a separate and parallel proceeding before a different judge, the Cook County Public Health and Human Services Department pursued a civil commitment of Levi on the grounds—supported by Vietanens report—that he was mentally ill and dangerous as well as chemically dependent. At a hearing held via Zoom on June 23, 2023, Levi sat at a table inside the Lake County jail in Two Harbors, 80 miles down Highway 61 from Grand Marais. He wore a black-and-white-striped uniform. He picked at his hands while answering a series of questions, agreeing that he met the criteria for civil commitment. He appeared docile, almost childlike. The judge, David M. Johnson, ordered that Levi be committed, “for an initial period not to exceed 90 days,” to a secure treatment facility.
Levi would remain in the Two Harbors jail for nearly a year, waiting for a bed to open up at a psychiatric facility. When I spoke to him briefly on the phone in late September 2023, he couldnt discuss the particulars of his case, but he told me a story about a time when he was working at the Holiday gas station and a customer—a man who drove a snowplow for the city—reached across the counter and slapped him in the face. Levi said that he reported the incident to the sheriffs department, but “they were saying since he didnt slap me very hard, I shouldnt have called about it. I was feeling like the cops didnt care about anything that happened.”
Levi told me that he didnt know Larry was arrested for trespassing at the gas station, or that the arrest had led to his civil commitment. It seemed as though Levi mostly felt that law enforcement had failed to find a permanent solution—meaning a way to keep Larry away from his daughter and other kids forever.
While he awaited transfer, Levi was able to see visitors, including his daughter. He passed the time drawing pictures that he intended for his daughter and others to color. He sent them to his sister Katrina, dozens every week, and she posted the pictures on Facebook with the invitation, “Please consider mailing him your colored version of his artwork, a letter, photos, and/or a piece of art of your own creation.”
Levi also sent drawings to his friends. One of them went to Amber Waldrop. It depicted a birds wings spread wide. “To my dear friend Amber,” Levi wrote. “Remember to … celebrate every victory. To not give up … To leave the past behind … And on your darkest days I hope you learn to dance in the rain.”
When Waldrop showed the drawing to me, she said, “Its almost like hes giving himself advice.”
![](https://magazine.atavist.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Minn_5a_e.jpg)
**It didnt take long** for a substantial cohort of people in Grand Marais to elevate Levi to the status of folk hero. In their view, what he did was in service of the greater good. Brandy Aldrighetti, a sexual-abuse survivor who lived near Larry, told the *Star Tribune*, “To me, Levi is like St. George who slayed the dragon—he killed a monster.” Kelsey Valento, a Grand Marais resident and mother, posted an article about the murder on her Facebook page with a comment addressing Levi directly: “I stand by you for removing a horrible nasty pedophile from this community.”
Within days of the crime, his sister Katrina had started a crowdfunding campaign, “to ease the financial burden of the family.” As of this writing, it had raised more than $7,000. When Katrina saw that Amber Lovaasen, Larrys niece, had posted on Facebook that she and her family had nothing against Levi, she reached out. Soon Lovaasen had designed T-shirts featuring the words, “Our Connection Is Our Strength. Two Families. One Goal. Stop Childhood Sexual Abuse.” She told me that “my family and Levis family are coming together pretty much as one family now.”
She does not speak for Larrys three sons. “I feel sorry for this poor Levi guy,” Paul told me. “Hes obviously got mental issues. I just hope my father gets some justice, that his name is cleared, and he can be seen as the kind, gentle, loving person he was.” Paul and his brothers also hoped to inherit Larrys house, but a district court judge ruled in March 2024 that a photocopy of their grandmothers will appointing Larry the sole inheritor of the property was not valid. That placed the home in the possession of Larrys seven siblings.
His siblings had mixed reactions to Larrys death. His sister Beth told me that she was worried when she heard the news. “I wanted to make sure that none of my siblings had done anything,” she said. “When I realized that everybody I loved was OK and they all had alibis and it was not them, then I felt relief, kind of lighter and bouncier.” His sister Jane said, “Nobody has the right take anybody elses life, but when Larry was beating me up and doing things to me as a kid, I wish I would have had access to something to kill him.” Patrick told me that he feels Larrys death was preventable, if the court system had only listened to him and his siblings. “The sad thing is we tried to warn authorities something like this was going to happen,” he said. “We were afraid some kids dad would go over and kill him when they found out about him.”
Within a week of the murder, someone created an online petition asking people to sign “if you agree that Levi Axtell should not be charged with any crimes and immediately be released from jail.” As of mid-May 2024, it had drawn nearly 900 signatures. The petition asks people to “stand by this father, who tried to seek relief via the justice system which failed him.” People who signed the petition noted various reasons for doing so: “I wouldve done exactly what he did if the court system failed me” (Dmitri Birmingham); “Anyone with children understands how this man felt and why he acted” (Joan Folmer); “The world is better off without a child molester!” (Grace Koopman).
Paisley Howard-Larsen, a local mother, told me that she believes Levi did the community a service by killing Larry. “I think this should have been done a long time ago, and I feel bad that it had to be Levi doing it,” she said. “I dont even see Larry as a human. I think hes just a monster. It makes me really sad that Levi is going to do any sort of time, whether its in a prison or a mental institution. I dont think thats right. I think he should have got off free.”
“Even though he actually murdered somebody?” I asked.
“Yeah. I think he did the right thing.”
Others in town, while not condoning murder, nevertheless welcomed the news of Larrys death. One mother of four young children said, “What Levi did wasnt justified, but thats not to say Im not thankful for it.” Others felt that Levi had been treated unfairly by the state. “Levi tried to go the legal route, he tried to do what he was supposed to do,” his longtime friend Cedar Adams said, citing Levis effort to get a protective order against Larry. “They say, Dont corner a wild animal, because if you do it will attack. I feel he felt he was backed into a corner and had no other choice. I feel hes a victim more than anything.”
Adamss boyfriend, Nick Swenson, who works at Bucks Hardware, never met Larry but had heard rumors about him. “You cant go around killing people,” Swenson told me, “but Levi couldnt have picked a better person.”
---
**Theres another side** to public opinion, and its defining feature is dismay. The *Cook County News Herald* published a letter from Jim Boyd, a Grand Marais resident and retired newspaper editor, that argued against vigilante justice. “Scully had not been arrested, charged, jailed, tried, or convicted of any recent crime,” Boyd wrote, referring to the fact that no one had come forward to accuse Larry of abuse since 1979. “You cant go around killing people just because they are horrible. (The dead would be stacked up like cord wood.)” Similarly, on Facebook threads about the case that mostly lionize Levi and disparage pedophiles, an occasional voice of dissent pops up. For example: “You cant just murder people because you think they might do something” (Penelope Orl). And: “Child molestation is horrible and wrong. Murdering someone by butchery is also wrong” (Don Croker).
For Larrys friends and sons, much of the discourse about his death is chilling. “He did not deserve to die the way he did,” Carol told me. “I hate the way Levis family and Pat and Jon are going after Larry as a monster, and Levis a hero.” She conveyed that the main reason she didnt want her real name used in this story was that she feared repercussions from Larrys brothers.
She wasnt the only person to request anonymity. People on both sides of the LeviLarry divide told me that they were concerned about their reputations. Two sources said the situation is so polarizing that having their names attached to their opinions might hurt their businesses.
On March 7, 2024, Levi was finally moved to the Forensic Mental Health Program, a locked facility in St. Peter, Minnesota. Where his life goes from here, and how the dust of his crime will settle in Grand Marais, is an open question. During my visit to Grand Marais last August, I spent the better part of an hour talking to Amber Waldrop and her father, Dennis, a thoughtful man with a thick gray beard. We met in a building downtown overlooking Lake Superiors seemingly infinite horizon. When it came to this story, the Waldrops saw no happy ending in sight.
“Its just a series of people being hurt: Larrys family, Levis ex-wife and daughter, Levis parents,” Dennis told me. “There are a lot of victims here. And being in a small town, theres a conflict going on with what happened and what shouldve happened. Its a tough line to walk. This is sensational news to the rest of the world, but were living it.”
---
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# Armed and Underground: Inside the Turbulent, Secret World of an American Militia
This story discusses threats of violence and contains a racial slur.
Last February, some 20 men and their wives gathered for dinner at an upscale restaurant in Spokane, Washington, for their annual Valentines Day celebration. The men werent just friends; they did community service work together. They had been featured on local television, in khakis and baseball caps, delivering 1,200 pounds of food to an area veterans center; they were gearing up for their next food drive, which they called Operation Hunger Smash. A few days after the holiday, the men went camping in the snow-speckled mountains outside Spokane, where they grilled rib-eyes and bacon-wrapped asparagus over a bonfire.
They also engaged in more menacing activities. They assembled regularly — sometimes wearing night-vision goggles in the dark — to practice storming buildings together with semiautomatic rifles. Their drills included using sniper rifles to shoot targets from distances of half a mile. And they belonged to a shadowy organization whose members were debating, with ever more intensity, whether they should engage in mass-scale political violence.
They were among the thousands of members of American Patriots Three Percent, a militia that has long been one of the largest in the United States and has mostly managed to avoid scrutiny. Its ranks included cops and convicted criminals, active-duty U.S. soldiers and small-business owners, truck drivers and health care professionals. Like other militias, AP3 has a vague but militant right-wing ideology, a pronounced sense of grievance and a commitment to armed action. It has already sought to shape American life through vigilante operations: AP3 members have “rounded up” immigrants at the Texas border, assaulted Black Lives Matter protesters and attempted to crack down on people casting absentee ballots.
Now with the presidential election less than 100 days away, AP3 members see the fate of their country turning on a turbulent, charged campaign. Theyre certain that Democrats will try to steal — not for the first time, in their view — the White House from Donald Trump. “The next election wont be decided at a Ballot Box,” an AP3 leader wrote several months ago in a private Telegram chat. “Itll be decided at the ammo box.” He has said he is ready to force his way into voting centers if need be, or “whatever it takes.”
The publics impression of American militias is dominated by Jan. 6, 2021. Groups such as the Proud Boys had plotted to prevent the transfer of power from Trump to Joe Biden. They formed the vanguard of the mob that stormed the Capitol that day, according to the Department of Justice. Media coverage since has centered on the prosecutions of participants, with hundreds of rioters sent to prison.
But despite the riot and its fallout, militias are far from extinct. AP3 has expanded at a dramatic pace since Jan. 6, while keeping much of its activity out of view. This rise is documented in more than 100,000 internal messages obtained by ProPublica, spanning the run-up to Jan. 6 through early 2024. Along with extensive interviews with 22 current and former members of AP3, the records provide a uniquely detailed inside view of the militia movement at a crucial moment.
The messages reveal how AP3 leaders have forged alliances with law enforcement around the country and show the ways in which, despite an initial crackdown by social media, they have attracted a new wave of recruits. A change in the political climate has also helped: In a matter of months after Jan. 6, rioters went from pariahs to heroes in the rhetoric of prominent Republican politicians. By the summer of 2021, people were enlisting in AP3, saying that Jan. 6 inspired them to join.
A portrait emerges of a group alternating between focused action and self-destructive chaos and facing a schism over whether political engagement can still address our nations problems — or whether violence is the only option. It can be hard to discern the line between bluster and imminent threat in the messages, a perennial struggle for FBI agents who monitor paramilitary groups. But some senior AP3 members grew so alarmed that they quit, scared by the number of people, even high-level leaders, advocating acts of terror.
The materials also shed light on what former national security officials say is the most urgent question regarding militias: Will Jan. 6 prove the high water mark of the movements violence or merely a prelude to something more catastrophic? AP3 leaders have sometimes characterized the storming of the Capitol as a botched job, a failure of ill-formed plans that didnt go far enough. “The Jan 6 event made the movement look weak and uncommitted,” one wrote a year and a half after the riot in a secret channel. “Had the house been taken for real and held we would all be in a different world.”
This is the story of a militia fighting for its survival, determined not to make the same mistake twice.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-1_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=500a18183a36722daabaac34b00ed636)
AP3 members train in Washington state. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
### “Life Is Too Fucking Short”
On a Thursday afternoon in February 2021, Scot Seddon, national commander of AP3, sent an audio message to his deputies in a channel open only to the groups leadership. A former Army reservist, Seddon had founded AP3 when he was in his 30s and shaped it into a national force. Now he was 50, with a receding hairline, his beard overtaken by gray. In videos from this time, typically recorded in his kitchen, Seddon favored baseball caps and tight shirts that revealed his bulky shoulders and trapezius muscles. He looked like an aging bro who had just returned from the gym. “I hate this movement more every day,” Seddon said that February day, “and I really dont even want to be a part of it anymore.”
It had been a few weeks since the Capitol riot. The FBI was already arresting leaders of the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers, two of AP3s prominent counterparts. Another militia was about to dissolve. One of Seddons lieutenants had issued a dark forecast: The reaction to Jan. 6 could destroy our movement. Everyday Americans will recoil.
Seddon on the Capitol Riot
AP3 national commander Scot Seddon, in a video posted on Jan. 6, 2021, claimed that left-wing antifa protesters infiltrated the crowd at the Capitol that day, an assertion dismissed by experts. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
At least Seddon didnt have to fear going to prison. AP3 had spent weeks preparing to go to Washington, D.C., for Bidens inauguration on Jan. 20, with one of his top deputies promising to “mad max this shit.” Whether through luck, foresight or miscalculation, Seddon had decided to save his forces for that event rather than deploy them at the Jan. 6 rally. Plenty of his members went anyway; some fought with police officers on the Capitol steps. But they were under orders not to wear AP3 insignia, according to two former lieutenants to Seddon, and the organization was never publicly linked to the rioters.
That did not save AP3 from the fallout. Membership plummeted. AP3ers lost friends and business. Active-duty police officers quit out of fear of losing their jobs.
Whats more, AP3s best recruiting tool was essentially gone: Facebook had cracked down on paramilitary organizing. “Facebook has been our greatest weapon. Its gotten us where we are today,” Seddon told his troops. He later described those months as a period of personal “misery” and self-doubt. “I had a drinking problem,” he would confide to the group. “The bottle was consuming me.”
By the middle of 2021, some AP3 leaders were ready to give up. In July, the head of its Arizona chapter announced he was stepping down. “My life is too fucking short to beg people to do whats right,” he said. He had hardly any members left in his state, and rebuilding was proving impossible. Still, he added, “It has been a great honor to me to have been here (and stayed here) through some of the most trying times this movement has seen since April 19, 1995.”
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Seddon displays the hand signal of the Three Percenters, a loose confederation of right-wing groups that AP3 is affiliated with, in a photo posted in 2023. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
Nobody needs to explain the significance of that date to a militia member. It was the day a Gulf War veteran with militia ties named Timothy McVeigh blew up a government building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people and injuring hundreds more. The modern militia movement — loosely speaking, a wide variety of groups whose shared traits are military-style training, an affinity for guns and a belief that they are the last line of defense against the excesses of the government and the left — started in the early 1990s and had been growing rapidly. But after the bombing, the movement crumbled. It didnt recover until 2008, when a financial crisis and Barack Obamas presidential election kindled a new generation of leaders like Seddon.
But the political climate after Jan. 6 would be very different from the period after McVeighs attack. Soon, Seddons group would have momentum back on its side.
### Lions and Men
Seddon seems like an unlikely commander of a paramilitary organization. Raised in the suburbs of Long Island, he bounced between jobs through his early 40s, including stints as the manager for a small-time rapper and as a model. Seddon appeared on book jackets, including a vampire romance novel titled “Loves Last Bite.” And there he was, in an awkward shirtless pose with a woman in lingerie, on the cover of “How to Handle a Younger Man: A Collection of Five Erotic Stories.”
It was in internet forums for models, during the latter years of the George W. Bush administration, where Seddons right-wing politics started to emerge publicly. He would engage in lengthy sparring with his peers, heckling them with insults: “we dominate you libs” and “you SOUND LIKE A FRENCHMEN need I say more?”
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Seddon during his days as a model Credit: Screenshot taken by ProPublica via Bookmate.com
Seddon grew increasingly alienated — he would later say that he felt “very alone” after Obama was elected — and engaged. He became active on a Facebook page to support Iraq War veterans. And then, during Obamas first term, he used that as a launchpad to create AP3. At the time, Seddon did not yet own a firearm, according to one of his first recruits.
Like many militias, AP3 was suffused with a military ethos. It adopted the hierarchy and nomenclature, with ranks such as “command sergeant major.” One credential most conferred authority: military service.
Seddon described himself as a veteran and, in a public resume, stated that he had served in Operation Desert Storm. He would tell Army stories to AP3 members and show them a photo of himself as a young soldier. Even his closest confidants in the group were left with the impression that he had substantial military experience.
But Seddon did not, in fact, serve in a combat zone. He joined the Army Reserve, without any prior stint in the military, more than a year after Desert Storm was over, according to his discharge papers and military personnel records. His active-duty tenure lasted for five months, the documents say, and ended when he finished his initial training.
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Seddons Army discharge papers, along with military personnel records, show he was on active duty for five months. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica. Redacted by ProPublica.
Seddon declined to be interviewed for this article. Presented with an extensive list of written questions, he responded, “Lions do not concern themselves with the opinions of men.”
### “J6 Made Me Want to Join”
Seddons vision for AP3 was novel for the time: a national organization, with chapters across the country operating under his command. After Obama announced a plan for tougher gun control in his second term, membership exploded, former leaders said. One told ProPublica that their local chapter grew from four or five people to over 200 in less than a year.
By 2016, AP3 had an active presence in 48 states, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center — larger than any other organization the anti-extremism watchdog was tracking. AP3 was part of the loose confederation known as the Three Percenters, a set of right-wing groups that take their name from the claim that only 3% of colonists fought in the American Revolution. At its peak, by Seddons likely exaggerated count, AP3 had 40,000 to 50,000 members. After the Jan. 6 riot, insiders and experts estimate the total was, at most, in the low thousands.
Seddon set about rebuilding the group in 2021. It was difficult initially and made even harder by his own struggles. When the pandemic started, he had a job as a doctors technician in New York City, but he refused to get vaccinated and left the medical field. He tried to get licensed as a realtor, then as a personal trainer, and found gig economy work near Scranton, Pennsylvania. He often recorded video directives to his troops from his car while driving between deliveries for Uber Eats.
He began reinvigorating the remnants of his command. His communications offered a mix of elements that his followers found compelling. There was lots of posturing: “Fuck the federal government,” he offered as an opener in one video. “These rats, these devils,” he said in another, “the only way theyre going to start listening is fear.” But Seddon also hailed his members as patriots, heroes, and praised their deeds with an “awesome job bro.” Seddon traveled the country. He would drop by at AP3s training exercises, where veterans might teach close-quarters gun combat at an abandoned car dealership or lead sniper rifle practice at a suburban ranch.
“You Should Be a Monster”
An excerpt from an AP3 recruiting video Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
Recruiting new members and unifying the old ones — a disparate roster that brought together men with white nationalist ties and Black military vets — demanded constant effort. Seddon avoided getting pinned down on one controversial question: what precisely his groups purpose was. “Resisting all efforts to undermine our constitution and the American way of life,” AP3s mission statement read, at once lofty and vague. “Together we will return our country to the glory it once was.” Many members were furious about COVID-19 restrictions and the “LGBTQ agenda.” Gun control, they thought, was an injustice that might be worth dying over. But Seddon imposed no litmus test. “We have some \[members\] that are fixated on Muslims,” as one leader put it. “Most are fixated on Antifa and BLM.”
Under Seddon, AP3 was both an armed right-wing resistance group and something akin to a Rotary Club; camaraderie was as important a draw as ideology. AP3 members patrolled city streets with AR-15-style rifles and baseball bats during Black Lives Matters protests. They practiced attacking dummies with knives. But they also taught each other how to save money on groceries through gardening and organized seminars where they wrote reports on each Constitutional amendment. One member said the group dispatched trucks filled with clothes and furniture to his family after a wildfire destroyed their house. AP3 had its own monthly magazine, with militia news in the front pages and word games for kids in the back.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-11_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95_2024-08-16-184841_hqpe.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=2a288663872bddd08dc99bde8fc51a03) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-8_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=21356c756f342f23337cd6d462b00b1a) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-13_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1200&q=75&w=800&s=567a4fea98ba1ccf94158f8d3a08be33)
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![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-12_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=3a7260f88131e8b072042cead853d698) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-6_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=a316702040717f2fb02864485cc1cbb4) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-9_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1197&q=75&w=800&s=c7c2861a508ab81fe4b2cf73704cb9db)
AP3 is both an armed right-wing resistance group and something akin to a Rotary Club; camaraderie is as important a draw as ideology. In chats, members shared images of everything from their weapons to their gardening successes. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica. The photo of a person with an American flag on his chest was cropped.
By August 2021, Seddons lieutenants noticed that the backlash to the Capitol riot was starting to dissipate. A new type of member was signing up. “J6 made me want to join,” a recruit wrote that month in a Telegram channel. He hadnt been part of a militia before, he explained, but seeing how “true Patriots” were being treated, “it was time to actually do something.”
Seddon sought ways to capitalize on the improving political climate. In Alabama, members fanned out to shops around the state, where they dropped off stacks of business cards encouraging patriots to “do your part.” “The APIII Alabama Recruitment line has rang non stop today,” a leader reported back afterward. “I honestly wasnt expecting it to get this big.”
In Washington state, AP3 members in the military reserves touted the militia to fellow reservists during their units regular monthly drills. One chapter looked into purchasing billboard ads. In internal chats, many members agreed the “best place to recruit” is Veterans Affairs facilities.
By the fall, they had arrived at a more efficient method. Facebooks public posture hadnt wavered. AP3 was still on its list of banned “dangerous organizations.” Again and again in press releases, the company said its efforts to combat militias were stronger than ever.
Inside AP3, though, leaders were seeing something different: The social media giant was gradually loosening its controls.
A Meta spokesperson said Facebook was still actively working to keep AP3 off its platform. “This is an adversarial space,” she said, “and we often see instances of groups or individuals taking on new tactics to avoid detection and evade our policies and enforcement.”
Seddon would soon tell leaders there were “huge opportunities to recruit using Facebook” again. AP3 experienced such an influx of aspiring members that leaders struggled to keep up. “GUYS WE REALLY NEED SOME HELP,” one of Seddons deputies wrote in a typical appeal in an internal chat. “GOT 175 PEOPLE WAITING TO GET IN.”
It was a sorely needed shot of adrenaline.
### “Our Force Multiplier”
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The cover of the February 2022 issue of AP3s magazine Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
In the view of many AP3 leaders, their chances of success hinged on building alliances with another heavily armed sector of society: police and sheriffs departments. If they couldnt get the agencies to fight alongside them, they at least needed the cops to leave them alone. Many organizations like AP3 share this approach; a leaked [FBI counterterrorism guide](https://theintercept.com/2017/01/31/the-fbi-has-quietly-investigated-white-supremacist-infiltration-of-law-enforcement/) from 2015 noted that investigations of “militia extremists” often find “active links to law enforcement officers.” The details of those efforts rarely come into public view.
One test of that strategy occurred in Kenosha, Wisconsin, as the prosecution of Kyle Rittenhouse was winding to a close in 2021. When Black Lives Matter protests and civil unrest overtook Kenosha the year before, Rittenhouse had ventured into the scrum with a semiautomatic rifle and killed two people. Prosecutors called it murder; Rittenhouse called it self-defense. Within AP3, hed become a folk hero. “Kyle represents every one of us,” one leader said.
In September 2021, with Rittenhouses trial two months away, AP3 leaders were preparing for what would happen after the verdict. If he were acquitted, there might be riots in Kenosha. And if there were riots, the militia might deploy a team that could be in the same position as Rittenhouse had been in, walking armed into a volatile situation. They wanted local law enforcement on their side.
The head of AP3s Wisconsin chapter, a truck driver, had already contacted the Kenosha County sheriff. Hed invited a couple of local officers over for beers, too. The sheriff wasnt interested in help from a militia, the chapter head reported in an internal chat. (The sheriff did not respond to attempts to seek comment.) Seddon told him he wasnt trying hard enough: “I hate these kind of excuses.”
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A man wears an AP3 patch at a rally with the Proud Boys in Portland, Oregon, in 2020. Credit: Maranie R. Staab/AFP/Getty Images
On Sept. 20, Seddon recorded a speech with more full-throated instructions for courting law enforcement. He already had officers as members: One AP3 leader in Alabama would send video messages while driving in his police uniform. Seddon wanted to move up the chain of command. “We need to pick the good apples and we need to have them infiltrate the minds of those on the inside that stand on the fence,” he said. “Its like building an army.”
He knew that was harder to achieve when youre seen as anti-government extremists. So Seddon had created a playbook for presenting AP3 as a misunderstood club for good Samaritans. Leaders encouraged members to get local police departments involved in AP3s food drives for homeless people. Seddon emphasized that these community service projects, a source of pride for many members, were invaluable public relations coups.
His members distributed brochures — “WE ARE NOT A MILITIA!!!!!” they declared — at rallies and to police officers. This was a branding decision to make people like cops feel comfortable supporting or joining AP3, Seddon said in internal messages, even though “we all know better.”
Seddon pushed members to contact sheriffs in their regions and had his deputies send Excel spreadsheets to the militias rank and file. The documents listed every sheriff in each members state, with columns to mark whether they were Republicans and “friendly.”
Sometimes it came easily. During the 2022 election, the county where Burley Ross, head of AP3s North Carolina chapter, lived had an open seat for sheriff. In an interview with ProPublica, Ross said he approached both candidates and asked: If the federal government wanted you to take someones guns, what would you do?
“Im 100% not taking someones guns,” Scott Hammonds, the Republican candidate, responded, according to Ross. When his Democratic opponent said hed enforce the law, Ross suggested that if he tried that, someone would leave the encounter in a body bag.
Hammonds won. Then as sheriff, he became an “off the books” member of AP3, according to messages Ross sent in internal chats. Some of Hammonds deputies started training with the group, Ross wrote. “For us to train with the deputies, thats a plus for us,” he told ProPublica, “because we understand how they work.” ProPublica could not independently confirm Hammonds relationship with the group. Hammonds did not respond to repeated requests for comment.
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Burley Ross was head of AP3s North Carolina chapter. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
Police officers werent the only ones quietly allying with AP3. Some lawmakers did, too. Among them was a North Carolina state legislator who was an off-the-books member, Ross wrote in an internal chat. It was Keith Kidwell, leader of the state House Freedom Caucus. (Ross asked ProPublica to make clear he did not name Kidwell or Hammonds in interviews and that ProPublica identified them using the AP3 messages it obtained. Kidwell did not respond to requests for comment.)
AP3s “commanding officer” in Oklahoma, Ed Eubanks, took an especially calculated approach to cultivating ties with police. A competitive shooter who said hed been a sniper in the Special Forces, Eubanks was older than most in the militia, in his 60s and retired. He was an “outcast” in his liberal family, he wrote to a group of about 100 militia members, echoing a common theme in the group. He had a lot of time to dedicate to AP3.
Eubanks announced in a 2021 internal chat that he was setting up “a PR team to start making inroads” with law enforcement across Oklahoma. He let officers use shooting ranges on his property. He built a barbecue smoker with “APIII” on the side to use for meet-and-greets with police departments. It was just the sort of creativity Seddon was hoping for.
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The barbecue smoker (as it was being constructed) that Ed Eubanks built to use for meet-and-greets with police departments Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
Eubanks would claim success with multiple law enforcement agencies, particularly the Oklahoma City police force. Messages from 2020 show the courtship in its beginnings. Eubanks described his plans to stage a counterprotest at an upcoming “defund the police” rally in Oklahoma City in order to “build a better relationship with the OKCPD.” After the rally, Eubanks reported that he had made connections with city police officers who would be giving him intel (and barbecue — theyd invited AP3 members to a cookout at police union headquarters after the event).
In the years that followed, the invitations to functions at the union lodge continued, according to messages from Eubanks and another AP3 member. Eubanks said police notified him when rallies were happening and that the militia got “minute by minute updates” from officers at some events.
A spokesperson for the Oklahoma City police department said it was “going to pass” on a request for an interview and did not respond to detailed written questions. Mark Nelson, president of the local Fraternal Order of Police, said that AP3 was never invited to an official union event, but that officers can host private events at the union lodge and he would “have no idea” who was invited. In response to detailed questions, Eubanks declined to comment.
One of Eubanks members said he pretended to be a Black Lives Matter supporter at one protest in the city because police had asked AP3 to embed a member inside BLM and report back. “The demonic presence there when the leaders showed up,” the member wrote, “was downright oppressive.”
ProPublica could not determine the full extent of AP3s ties to the Oklahoma City police, but Eubanks contended in a message that his efforts were “worth every second.” As he put it in another message, “This will be our force multiplier when the time arises.”
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-17_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=11f1d9415e2f4e870cc5680f8665f6c2)
AP3 members, left, foreground, at a county GOP dinner in Washington state in late 2021 Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
### AP3 on Patrol
By mid-2022, Seddon was growing ebullient. Hed toned down his drinking, he told his comrades. In videos, he looked clean cut and slimmed down. Recruiting was booming, with as many as 50 people applying each day. His members were providing security details for county GOP events again. And the militias first major operation since the Capitol riot was well underway.
Seddon had sounded a call to arms in late 2021. Illegal border crossings were surging, and the Texas governor had declared that his state was “abandoned” by the federal government. “Our country is being invaded at the Southern border,” Seddon said. “Haitians, Middle Easterners, South American invaders that are coming in.” He had about 20 members preparing to deploy to Quemado, Texas, he said, and was seeking more volunteers.
Anyone interested would need to bring an AR-15-style carbine and a semiautomatic pistol. They would conduct vigilante patrols, a regular feature at the border since the 1970s. Another leader explained the rules. “It is a felony to detain these folks under Texas law,” he said. “We can only report to the authorities, but we are allowed to carry live rounds.”
Many members said they didnt want to go if they couldnt kill migrants. “The most heard comment I get” is “there is only one way to stop them,” one leader told Seddon. AP3 joined forces with another militia and soon had members in Quemado, sleeping at a Christian charity 1,000 feet from the Rio Grande.
The charitys leaders, terrified of the Mexican cartels that helped transport some migrants, were initially grateful for the support. They put the militiamen up in twin bunk beds in little rooms that resembled a hospital ward. AP3 would keep a presence at the border for at least the next year and a half. Their members caught migrants and turned them over to the authorities. In time, messages claim, they were patrolling over 10,000 acres of land.
Eubanks helped lead the operation. At night, hed split members up to cover more ground. Then he would don camouflage fatigues and venture alone into the pitch darkness, a shotgun in his hand.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-23_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1200&q=75&w=800&s=1c99cb60681c2a96f97a5a4efc5d68d9) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-25_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=8ae27ae53d414f44296c82a989b24ea4) ![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-24_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1199&q=75&w=800&s=e0865f5af5b74569ee01fe3aeb73cba1)
First image: A room where AP3 members stayed in Quemado, Texas. Second image: Ed Eubanks near the border. Third image: A small vehicle used by AP3 members for their patrols. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
In internal chats, Eubanks bragged about the allies theyd cultivated, including Brad Coe, a cowboy-hat-wearing local sheriff who had publicly praised border militias and regularly discussed immigration on Fox News. Coe shared intel with him and discussed the idea of Eubanks “running a bush team to track the cartel,” Eubanks told Seddon and others. Eubanks complained in the chats that the Texas Department of Public Safety was “refusing to work with us” but said AP3 was collaborating with the Border Patrol and the National Guard, who installed “observation pads for us to use along the river.”
The partnerships didnt always go smoothly. Once, an AP3 member got into an argument with a National Guardsman that turned physical. “He kicked the shit out of the national guardsman,” Ross, who helped coordinate the operation, told ProPublica. “I called him and said, You cannot beat up the national guardsmen any more.’” (Local law enforcement arrived but decided not to make any arrests, according to Ross.)
Coe did not respond to requests for comment. A Border Patrol spokesperson did not address ProPublicas questions about its agents but said that civilians “involving themselves in border security related activities” is “unlawful” and “dangerous.” In response to detailed questions, the Texas Military Department, which oversees the Texas National Guard, issued a one-sentence statement: “The Texas Military Department does not provide support to or operate with local militias.”
As the operation expanded, Eubanks sent back pictures of hundreds of migrants the militias had “rounded up,” huddled on the ground, often surrounded by Border Patrol or what appear to be National Guard members. The militiamen would return excited after stopping a group at gunpoint, according to Lorraine Mercer, the charitys ministry director, who got to know the men over many months as their host. They didnt always wait for government agents to arrive, Mercer said. “Some of them were trying to run them back into Mexico,” she told ProPublica. Theyd say, “Well handle them, the Border Patrol doesnt know what theyre doing.”
Seddon wanted the operation to get even more ambitious. And he had a scheme he thought could make that possible. “The bottom line is we need to start making money,” he told state leaders in July 2022. His answer was to create a nonprofit called American Community Outreach Network.
ACONs website gave no indication of its ties to AP3. It was advertised as a charity that provided services in disaster zones and to disadvantaged youth.
But in internal chats, Seddon was explicit that ACON was a way to fund the militia. “I want every single one of us to fucking get rich,” he said in one video. “I want to be sitting on a yacht in two years with every one of you,” he said in another. Members would receive a 20% cut of any donations they brought in, he promised.
This was more than a get-rich-quick ploy, in Seddons telling. It could help AP3 thrive in the post-Jan. 6 era. “I feel reborn,” he said as the plan moved ahead. Imagine if people didnt need to juggle militia duties with their day jobs, “if every single one of us had the ability to do this full-time,” he said. Itd be so much easier to mobilize troops to the border or anywhere else.
### “Its Going to Be a Blood Bath”
“This election is do or die for us,” Seddon told his lieutenants in August 2022. The midterm elections were months away, and Democrats controlled the White House and both chambers of Congress. If we cant retake Congress now, Seddon said in a video, “were in real, real deep shit.” He had a plan to get involved.
Seddon wanted AP3 to fan out across the country, stake out ballot boxes and deter fraudulent voting, which he claimed was rampant during the 2020 election. “Were trying to persuade these people maybe thats not such a good idea,” Seddon said about supposed liberal ballot stuffers. “Theres a large group of what look like some pretty badass patriots outside.” The operation was shortly underway in Arizona, Colorado and Michigan, though its unclear how many members heeded Seddons call.
Absentee ballots had barely made it into voters mailboxes before it all went awry. Eubanks posted a handheld video of a television screen in an internal chat: “NBC Nightly News” was showing surveillance footage of a man in Maricopa County, Arizona. The man hadnt been identified, but inside AP3, they knew who he was: a Marine veteran named Elias Humiston. Several years before, he had pleaded guilty to an illegal firearm discharge. Now he was at the center of a national news cycle.
Humiston was captured on camera outside a drop box for absentee ballots. His face was masked, and he had a handgun and wore a tactical vest. He had gotten into a confrontation with a woman who tried to record his license plate, prompting the sheriffs department to arrive.
“Now the DOJ is involved,” Eubanks wrote four days after the incident. Government attorneys said such activities could constitute illegal voter intimidation. But the authorities didnt appear to know that the anonymous vigilante was a part of AP3.
Humiston had held a leadership role in AP3 and had recently won an award from the militia for his work at the border. He promptly resigned “to protect” AP3, records show. He was never charged with a crime or publicly linked to the militia. (Humiston did not respond to requests for comment.)
Some leaders said that Humistons efforts “should be applauded.” Another camp saw the mission as a foolhardy mistake by Seddon. “Poorly planned and horribly executed,” one leader called it.
Seddon told everyone to stop acting like cowards. “If its not this, its the fact that were white, that were Christian,” he said. The DOJ is “going to come at us no matter what we do,” Seddon continued. “Communism — thats where this country is leading if we dont take a stand.”
Seddon had always had a short fuse. But he was becoming increasingly militant and inflammatory, according to several longtime members. In messages, he raged against “pedophilia” in schools and the “panels of blacks” “disrespecting white Americans” on MSNBC. When Congress increased the IRS budget, he declared that revenue agents were coming to “kill our kids.” Once, in a voice note he recorded while driving, he paused. “I almost ran over this nigger,” Seddon said. “I am not racist — just these dirty fucks walking these streets.”
Seven former leaders told ProPublica they became alarmed by how the rhetoric was shifting in AP3. In the days after Jan. 6, Seddon had suppressed calls for violence, telling members who wanted to assassinate politicians to stand down. But he had stopped acting as a voice of restraint, even as such talk increased.
One morning in August 2022, an ex-cop with at least 100 AP3 members under his command announced a mysterious initiative. He had previously said it was time to take a violent stand against Black Lives Matter: “We will have to suffer some and some will die,” he said, but he was “tired of waiting.” Now he said he planned to assemble a “Tac Team” of “those who will do what others wont.”
A different afternoon, a different leader put forward his own proposal. “We havnt made any head way in the last 5 plus years,” he wrote. Lets pick a date and descend on government buildings across the country, he suggested, and then kill the officials whove committed treason. “Time to stack bodys up.” (Two others told him to arrange a secret meeting offline.)
After the 2022 midterms, Ross made a plea in an internal chat. “APIII AND EVERY OTHER PATRIOT group seems to want a fight,” he wrote. “A war will leave no winners.” Ross, too, believed that civil war was inevitable, but he pushed for the group to focus on grassroots politics in the meantime. “Theres going to be a time to be violent,” he told ProPublica. “Im the type of person whos like, Now is not the time.’” In AP3, that made him a moderate.
A growing faction had lost hope in the democratic process. Elections and activism are pointless, they maintained; even the midterms were rife with fraud. They felt out of alternatives. Their talk was now a steady drumbeat:
“Get it over with Ill die with honor.”
“Its going to be a blood bath.”
“When does AP3 as a whole say, thats enough and stand up?”
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-26_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=ce83df4efcb021ae2abc928b84ddf88b)
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-18_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=164972e309bbd317dd02e221bda4e369)
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-20_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=0bd7f265928caca8962b7ef5a58bb88e)
First two images: AP3 members training in the light and in the dark. Third image: AP3 members with fellow militiamen from the Oath Keepers. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
### “I Know Where You Live”
Seddons downfall started around the turn of this year. An AP3 member, increasingly suspicious, had obtained a copy of his military discharge papers. That was enough to cause an explosion. After years of touting his Army experience, Seddons secret was exposed.
He tried to suppress the uprising that ensued. He threatened a former leader who confronted him about the records in private. “I know where you live,” Seddon wrote on Facebook Messenger. “Tread careful.” Ross accused Seddon of stolen valor and was kicked out.
Seddons command quickly began to unravel. A rumor started to spread: Law enforcement was investigating the ACON scheme. The charity had never taken off. One of Seddons ex-deputies told ProPublica it raised less than $5,000. But its website falsely advertised it as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit authorized to accept tax-deductible donations, which the IRS said is not true.
Leaders who had spent months encouraging the initiative now condemned ACON as a scam to put money in Seddons pocket. “Not volunteering for a Rico trial,” one member wrote in a side chat, referring to the racketeering statute that prosecutors use to take down the mafia. In the spring, state chapters began to defect from AP3 in droves.
Soon Seddon had lost a significant majority of his organization. Former leaders estimate that about 10 state chapters stayed on, leaving him to try to rebuild the militias presence everywhere else.
Seddon appears undaunted. Hes lost a large chunk of his membership before and managed to recover. (Meanwhile, the instability in his career continues. Recently, he started a business that offers “fast cash” to cancer patients who sign over their life insurance policies.)
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/AP3-21_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=534&q=75&w=800&s=b449ce2cde829d6b58af4b38c4e9a005)
Seddon, left, at a 2024 training Credit: via Gab
His recent setbacks seem to have only made him more volatile. Toward the end of Trumps criminal trial in May, Seddon wrote on Facebook that Judge Juan Merchan was treating the former president unfairly. “This guy needs to meet his maker,” Seddon said. He followed up by posting the judges home address.
Facebook shut down his account, which hed long been using to promote the militia. The platform conducted a large enforcement action against AP3 in June, according to the Meta spokesperson, removing 40 pages, 15 groups and 600 accounts that “were mostly focusing on recruitment.” The spokesperson said Facebook strengthened its policies at the beginning of the year “to take an even stricter approach to enforcement against this group and other banned militia organizations.”
Seddon was [back on social media](https://www.wired.com/story/militia-recruitment-trump-shooting-assassination-attempt/), this time on TikTok, after the assassination attempt on Trump in July. “This was a direct attack on us,” he said. “We need to become fucking lions.”
AP3s travails have not been unique. Since the Capitol riot, the militia movement has grown more fractured and decentralized. This may make it harder for one leader to spur mass action. It could also make it harder for one leader to prevent mass action and for law enforcement to track the groups and to intervene.
The presidential election could propel the militia movement in a darker direction. Experts worry that a Trump loss could spark violence from those who feel its their only option, especially if he once again refuses to accept the results. If Trump wins and then fulfills his promise to pardon Jan. 6 defendants, they fear the most radical wing of his party could take it as a license for more extreme action.
AP3 may have splintered, but its former members have mostly just moved to other militias. John Valle, Seddons former third in command, sees the movements future as consisting of state and local groups, operating independently but coordinating on secure messaging apps.
He said that the 286 members of his Washington chapter are now operating as their own independent group. They didnt want to get caught up in AP3s potential legal problems, but their mission remains the same. As Valle put it, “Were just rebranding.”
[Alex Mierjeski](https://www.propublica.org/people/alex-mierjeski) contributed research.
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Date: 2024-08-17
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Link: https://www.propublica.org/article/oklahoma-illegal-marijuana-farm-workers-inside-story-china-immigrants
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# Escaping Oklahoma: A Workers Story From Inside an Illegal Marijuana Operation
Lins most vivid memory of the marijuana farm is the moment he found himself staring into the barrel of an AK-47.
He was one of several dozen Chinese immigrants who had spent months working without pay at the farm in Oklahoma. None of them had spoken up because they were intimidated by the bosses and their armed guards. But Lin and his wife, who also worked on the farm, were desperate for money to send to their kids back in China.
Seething with anger and frustration, he gathered his courage, confronted the manager and demanded his unpaid wages. As Lins wife looked on, aghast, the manager reached for an assault rifle and raised it to Lins face, he said.
“The gun was against my forehead,” Lin recalled in an interview. “I believe he was capable of pulling the trigger.”
The terrifying incident caused the couple to flee to New York. Three years later, Lin still lives in fear. He has received menacing calls from the farms owner and anonymous men, he said. His former bosses blame him for inciting labor conflicts at the farm and for a drug raid that shut it down in 2022, he said.
Lins story is a rare firsthand account of the harsh conditions and violent atmosphere endured by Chinese workers on many marijuana farms in Oklahoma and other states. ProPublica and The Frontier have reported that [Chinese criminal groups](https://www.propublica.org/article/chinese-organized-crime-us-marijuana-market), some with suspected [ties to the Chinese state](https://www.propublica.org/article/oklahoma-marijuana-china-diplomat-visits), have become a dominant force in the illicit U.S. marijuana trade and subjected thousands of [Chinese immigrant laborers](https://www.propublica.org/article/marijuana-oklahoma-china-immigration-safety-workers) to abuse and exploitation.
Until now, though, much of that information about illegal activity in the cannabis industry has come from law enforcement officials, court and police records, community leaders and advocates. Lin gave a frightening front-line look inside the underworld.
Lin, a youthful 44-year-old, asked to be identified by his surname for his safety. He said he decided to recount his experience to seek justice. Interviewed through an interpreter, he spoke in a soft, strained voice as he described threats, stolen wages and employees confined to the farm against their will.
Reporters corroborated many aspects of Lins story with law enforcement and labor officials, court files, other government documents, interviews with another former worker, Chinese-language media reports, communications records and other sources.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/240805-CHIN-WORKER-03211_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_quality_95_embedColorProfile_true.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=533&q=75&w=800&s=ab81b9114b36ca7ec4273f1b56ea899e)
Lins skills as a plumber and electrician made him a kind of leader among the employees at the farm, he said. Credit: Alan Chin, special to ProPublica
The owner of the now-defunct farm, Lamkam Ho, pleaded guilty last year to a charge of marijuana trafficking. She and her companion, Zhixuan Hai, who was the manager, are awaiting trial for allegedly robbing a business associate in Oklahoma City last year. Ho, 58, and Hai, 48, have not yet entered a plea in that case.
In addition, Ho has had contact with a suspected Chinese organized crime group involved in illicit activity in several states, according to a U.S. law enforcement official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of ongoing investigations.
A lawyer representing the couple, Tyler Box, said he and his clients had no comment about the allegations against them. Ho and Hai did not respond to requests for comment.
Like many laborers and entrepreneurs in the U.S. marijuana industry, Lin is from the tough coastal province of Fujian. He says he left in 2016 because the government persecuted him for his Christian faith. He paid $50,000 to smugglers who bribed Chinese officials to issue him a passport and then sent him by plane to Tijuana, Mexico, where he climbed over the border fence into the United States and applied for political asylum.
He settled in New York. But when the pandemic disrupted the economy in 2020, he became one of many Chinese immigrants who found marijuana jobs in the West. He went to New Mexico and then Oklahoma.
In September 2020, Lin and his wife got hired at a former cattle farm in Maramec, about 45 miles west of Tulsa. His skills as a plumber and electrician made him a kind of leader among the employees, he said. At first, he won the trust of Ho, the owner, and Hai, the manager, who had both recently relocated from the Los Angeles area to set up a new operation, Lin said.
“I didnt dislike the boss, because Im technical personnel,” he said. “The boss wouldnt mess with \[me\]. He knew that I just did my work.”
Lin laid pipes and did electrical work at the Maramec farm and at others nearby owned by the couples associates, he said. He did errands between the couples farm and their house in an upscale suburb of Oklahoma City. As one of the few employees at the remote compound who owned a vehicle, Lin took road trips to New Mexico to bring back heavy equipment, sleeping in his car rather than hotels to save money.
Hai even sent him on a mission to New York to pick up a kitchen stove — and $50,000 in cash hidden in appliance boxes, Lin said. In text messages about that October trip, Hai wrote “Thank you, brother” and told Lin “safety first,” according to a screenshot of the conversation.
But the mood at the farm darkened when planting began in dozens of greenhouses and sheds spread across 30 acres. The management hired three guards who patrolled the locked and fenced compound around the clock, Lin said. At least one of the guards has an arrest record, public records and media reports show. The armed men in civilian clothes intimidated the employees and kept them confined to the grounds unless they had permission to go out, Lin said.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/satillite-pic_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_quality_95_embedColorProfile_true.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=530&q=75&w=800&s=b7fd3b4a042850142335f352c017521b)
The farm in Maramec, Oklahoma Credit: Apple Maps
“Their mere presence posed a threat,” he said. “They made the farmworkers feel threatened and afraid of the bosses. … There was no shortage of verbal violence.”
Lin and his wife, who worked in the greenhouses and as a cook, lived with other employees who were crowded into bunkhouses and trailers, he said.
“We slept with 20 or 30 people in one room,” he said. “There was only one bathroom and no air conditioner.”
As co-workers confided in him, he became alarmed at what he heard.
Two men and a woman from Guangxi province told him that smugglers, known by Chinese immigrants as “snakeheads,” had brought them across the Mexican border directly to the farm. The owner had paid their smuggling fees of about $20,000 each, Lin said the workers told him.
“The snakeheads sold them to the farm boss,” he said. “The farm boss paid the fee.”
The immigrants would have to remain at the site and work two years to pay off the debts, Lin said.
“They were not allowed to leave the farm,” he said. “We were given specific instructions not to take any of these people out on our once-a-week trips to buy daily necessities.”
A month into the job, Lin said, Hai told him the management could not pay his $4,000 monthly salary until after the harvest. The manager suggested Lin could make money instead by subcontracting a greenhouse from him to grow his own crop — a frequent tactic used against vulnerable marijuana workers to delay or avoid paying wages. Fellow employees who had moved with the bosses from a New Mexico farm to Oklahoma told Lin they were still owed many months of wages, he said.
“They only want you to work for them for free,” Lin said.
Lin said he and his wife discussed the workers plight with one of the few outsiders at the farm, a local contractor who drove a bulldozer and befriended them because he was a fellow Christian.
Despite Hais claims of financial difficulty, he drove a Mercedes and the couple owned homes in gated communities in Oklahoma and Southern California, records show. Ho incorporated a second marijuana-related business in Oklahoma with [a Los Angeles-based entrepreneur](https://www.chineseinla.com/f/page_viewtopic/t_1753814.html) who is a leader of [diaspora organizations](https://archive.ph/v0UjU) affiliated with the United Front, the Chinese Communist Partys influence arm, according to business records and media reports. (The entrepreneur did not respond to requests for comment.)
By December, Lin had had enough. One day, he and his wife went to a room in the main house that Hai used as an office and sleeping quarters, he said. Lin declared that he wanted his pay. The Lins watched in disbelief as the manager pulled an AK-47 from beneath his bed and aimed it at Lins forehead, backing him against the wall, he said.
“I was scared when he took out the gun,” Lin said. He said Hai was furious because “the rest of the people wouldnt ask for payment. Im the only one who dared to ask.”
He said the manager told him: “After the harvest, I can give you the salary. If you continue like this, I will not be this courteous to you.”
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/240805-CHIN-WORKER-03221_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_quality_95_embedColorProfile_true.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=533&q=75&w=800&s=d34f00c5fcd1bda741f7ac2b950749a5)
Lin still lives in fear years after what happened on the farm. Credit: Alan Chin, special to ProPublica
Later that day, as word of the incident spread, Hai told other workers to urge Lin to stop complaining, Lin recalled. Lin said he didnt report the incident to the police out of fears about his immigration status.
ProPublica and The Frontier were not able to corroborate the allegation about the gun. But another former worker, who asked to be identified only by his English first name, Chris, described a similar dispute in which Hai threatened him and his friend with a gun after they demanded their first month of wages while filming him with cellphones.
“He really liked to pull out the gun and threaten people — I experienced that firsthand,” Chris, a 35-year-old from Jiangsu province, told ProPublica and The Frontier. “We quickly snuck away and called the police.”
The Pawnee County sheriff, Darrin Varnell, confirmed in an interview that one of his deputies went to the farm in the summer of 2021 in response to that dispute and kept the peace as the terrified workers gathered their belongings and left. Sheriffs deputies also received periodic calls from passing drivers about men patrolling the farm carrying AK-47s, but they were not able to confirm the reports, Varnell said.
After the confrontation at gunpoint, Lin said, the manager ordered him to stay in the compound.
“The boss wouldnt let me leave the farm,” he said. “The attitude toward me changed.”
Along with two co-workers from the same village in Fujian, the Lins decided to escape. But they worried about retaliation if they got caught, he said. They spent tense and furtive days making plans and tracking the activities of the guards, he said.
“We kind of learned the patterns of when they would be there,” he said. “I stayed up at night watching to see if they would leave.”
One night shortly before New Years Eve, there were no guards in sight. Using a bolt cutter from the tool supplies, Lin broke through the lock on the front gate and the four of them sped off in his car, he said. They drove all the way back to New York.
On Jan. 3, 2021, Lin sent a complaint about unpaid wages by email to the Oklahoma Department of Labor. Emails show that a state official referred him to a Chinese-speaking employee of the U.S. Department of Labor, but Lin said he did not hear from that agency. An official at the federal agency declined to comment.
The Lins also called their friend the bulldozer contractor and told him what had happened, Lin said.
About a week after the escape, the owner of the farm called Lins wife, complaining angrily because the contractor had urged her to pay her workers, Lin said.
“She was telling us to keep our mouths shut,” he said. “My wife got really scared.”
Former co-workers told Lin by phone that the employers were looking for him and had even called a farm at which hed worked in New Mexico asking about his whereabouts, he said. The workers also told him that others had followed his lead and complained about their unpaid wages to the owners and a reporter for Chinese-language media, he said.
The reporter relayed their accounts to federal labor officials, who advised the Oklahoma Department of Labor, according to Daniel Mares, the state agencys assistant general counsel. State labor officials interviewed employees about the wage problems and alleged threats by the owners and alerted the Oklahoma Bureau of Narcotics because “concerns of potential human trafficking arose,” according to department emails provided by Mares.
The state narcotics bureau opened an investigation and, in September 2022, agents raided the Maramec farm backed by National Guard troops and sheriffs deputies. Their search turned up 700 pounds of processed marijuana, 2,074 plants, two pistols and a small-caliber rifle, court documents say. Agents arrested four Mexican laborers and turned them over to immigration authorities.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/IMG_4188_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_quality_95_embedColorProfile_true.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=533&q=75&w=800&s=3aa3a014da3d43abf1bb34c0c659fd69)
National Guard troops raided the farm two years ago. Credit: Oklahoma National Guard
Ho had hired an Oklahoma resident, a known “straw owner” used by criminals to elude laws requiring local ownership, to pose as her majority partner, court documents say. Prosecutors charged Ho with illegal cultivation and trafficking and she was arrested at Los Angeles International Airport before she could board a flight to Hong Kong. In June of last year, Ho pleaded guilty to trafficking and received a deferred sentence to be imposed after a three-year probation period, court documents say.
A few weeks before that court appearance, she and Hai were arrested in Oklahoma City and charged with attacking and beating a Chinese American real estate agent in a parking lot and stealing $3,000 and two iPhones from him. The couple accused the victim, who has also been a target of drug investigations, of owing them $700,000, according to court documents. They were released on bond and neither has entered a plea in the case.
Lin, who has become a legal U.S. resident and embarked on a new life, says he has received several anonymous phone calls from Mandarin-speaking men warning him not to cause trouble and threatening to hurt his family. He believes his former bosses are behind the threats, though he cannot prove it. Friends have warned him to stay away from New Yorks Chinatowns and other places with large Chinese populations.
“These people are still searching for me,” he said. “We are afraid.”
[Kirsten Berg](https://www.propublica.org/people/kirsten-berg) contributed research.
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@ -107,8 +107,6 @@ I found Cotton, from Goldsboro, North Carolina, to be open, gregarious, and quic
Cotton, 60, recounted how hed first felt the weight of command as a 22-year-old on his inaugural ride out to a missile field in Minot, North Dakota. “Youre jumping in that Suburban,” he said, “knowing that youre responsible to execute, under presidential authorities, the most powerful weapon on the face of the globe. You see the humming of the launch control center and you see 10 green lights and know that on the other side of that green light is a Minuteman III, with warheads on board. It all becomes *real* at that point.” Cotton would eventually hold a string of lofty leadership posts, most recently running the Air Force Global Strike Command, responsible for the countrys bombers and ICBMs. Cotton, 60, recounted how hed first felt the weight of command as a 22-year-old on his inaugural ride out to a missile field in Minot, North Dakota. “Youre jumping in that Suburban,” he said, “knowing that youre responsible to execute, under presidential authorities, the most powerful weapon on the face of the globe. You see the humming of the launch control center and you see 10 green lights and know that on the other side of that green light is a Minuteman III, with warheads on board. It all becomes *real* at that point.” Cotton would eventually hold a string of lofty leadership posts, most recently running the Air Force Global Strike Command, responsible for the countrys bombers and ICBMs.
Commander Jeremy Garcia, referred to as “captain” by his shipmates, looks through the periscope.Photograph by Philip Montgomery.
His job as STRATCOM chief: preparing and, if necessary, turning to the tools at his disposal, from conventional long-range strike weapons and multiplatform nuclear arms to joint electromagnetic spectrum operations, which involve exploiting and attacking enemy frequencies (as well as protecting our own). Being able to provide those options to the commander in chief “is what I do,” he explained, before taking stock of the geopolitical moment. “Thats important, especially now as we see the threat vectors to rules-based international order.” Translation: Over the second half of the last century, Western national security officials were preoccupied with trying to keep one adversary (the USSR) in check, even as the dueling nuclear powers ratified landmark arms control treaties. With those efforts now in eclipse and nuclear proliferation a chilling reality, America and its allies are currently contending with two near-peer opponents, Russia and China, as well as their own set of allies with nuclear aspirations, including North Korea, Iran, and, by extension, the Axis of Resistance—a term that encompasses armed groups like the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Syria, and the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq. His job as STRATCOM chief: preparing and, if necessary, turning to the tools at his disposal, from conventional long-range strike weapons and multiplatform nuclear arms to joint electromagnetic spectrum operations, which involve exploiting and attacking enemy frequencies (as well as protecting our own). Being able to provide those options to the commander in chief “is what I do,” he explained, before taking stock of the geopolitical moment. “Thats important, especially now as we see the threat vectors to rules-based international order.” Translation: Over the second half of the last century, Western national security officials were preoccupied with trying to keep one adversary (the USSR) in check, even as the dueling nuclear powers ratified landmark arms control treaties. With those efforts now in eclipse and nuclear proliferation a chilling reality, America and its allies are currently contending with two near-peer opponents, Russia and China, as well as their own set of allies with nuclear aspirations, including North Korea, Iran, and, by extension, the Axis of Resistance—a term that encompasses armed groups like the Houthis in Yemen, Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Syria, and the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq.
Thats quite a roster. Who, I wondered, did Cotton have on speed dial? He chortled at the question before turning it back around, “Who do you think?” He then showed me a bank of phones with buttons for, among others, Biden, Austin, Brown, the leadership of the US intelligence community, and the 10 combatant commanders who, along with Cotton, command and deploy the nations armed forces. “Are you the guy nobody wants to hear from?” I asked, half in jest. “Yeah, actually it does kind of suck,” he said with a smile. Thats quite a roster. Who, I wondered, did Cotton have on speed dial? He chortled at the question before turning it back around, “Who do you think?” He then showed me a bank of phones with buttons for, among others, Biden, Austin, Brown, the leadership of the US intelligence community, and the 10 combatant commanders who, along with Cotton, command and deploy the nations armed forces. “Are you the guy nobody wants to hear from?” I asked, half in jest. “Yeah, actually it does kind of suck,” he said with a smile.
@ -171,10 +169,6 @@ Suddenly, a loud voice squawked from a speaker. The *Wyoming*s suite of sophi
After we sailed on for a few minutes, he broke the silence and spoke about his peers on the Navys other subs: “The fast-attacks get out and they get to do all the cool stuff every day. We dont really get to do any of that. But it kind of does feel like youre doing your mission when were out here and things are getting hot in the world.” After we sailed on for a few minutes, he broke the silence and spoke about his peers on the Navys other subs: “The fast-attacks get out and they get to do all the cool stuff every day. We dont really get to do any of that. But it kind of does feel like youre doing your mission when were out here and things are getting hot in the world.”
- “I Need Six to Eight Pardons”: Inside the [Secret Scheme](https://www.vanityfair.com/news/sidney-powells-secret-scheme-find-trumps-votes) to “Find” Trumps Votes
- [Simone Biles](https://www.vanityfair.com/style/simone-biles-cover-interview) Talks Marriage, WAG Life, and the Paris Olympics
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Tag: ["🗳️", "🇺🇸", "🫏"]
Date: 2024-09-01
DocType: "WebClipping"
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TimeStamp: 2024-09-01
Link: https://www.nybooks.com/online/2024/08/27/fear-and-joy-in-chicago-dnc/
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# Fear and Joy in Chicago
As we stood on the slow line to enter the secure zone around the United Center in Chicago, an angry preacher thrust his sign toward us: “How can ye escape the damnation of Hell?” He probably did not realize how apt this question was. Just a month earlier, before Joe Biden announced that he would not, after all, seek a second term, America was hurtling unstoppably toward the Hell of another Trump presidency, and the Democrats deserved to be damned for their seeming inability to do anything about it. Now, with extraordinary rapidity, impending doom had given way to the ecstasy of release. The whole convention was an answer to the preachers question: “heres how.”
All week I kept having the thought that the whole event felt like one of those movies where the wrongly incarcerated prisoner, so long trapped in miserable gloom, emerges blinking into the light, dazzled and amazed. And then, on the last night, the image became real as Al Sharpton brought onstage four members of the Central Park Five, who as teenagers in 1989 were wrongly convicted for a notorious assault on a female jogger. Donald Trump had paid for a full-page ad in *The New York Times* demanding the return of the death penalty. Now Yusef Salaam, currently a member of the New York City Council, stood in the glaring lights of the arena and uttered the famous words of Martin Luther King Jr.: “Free at last, thank God almighty we are free at last.”
It was the prayer that echoed through a convention whose soundtrack was Beyoncés “Freedom.” What could not quite be said was that in part the Democrats were celebrating their release from the contract of loyalty to their own still-serving president, a man for whom they feel such obvious affection, respect, and gratitude. Alongside the giddy jamboree in Chicago, there was also a shadow convention, the one for which the vast majority of the delegates had in fact been chosen in the primaries that seem so long ago now, the one in which they are all trying to put on a brave face, the one in which they are going through the motions of fake optimism to announce Biden as their candidate for November.
It was an inchoate awareness of this parallel universe that gave the real convention its undercurrent of strangeness. The Democrats are in power, but they have not felt in control. Most of them did not know quite how to acknowledge this in Chicago. When your guy has been in the Oval Office for nearly four years, youre supposed to say that everything is looking good—and, as many speakers did point out, Bidens administration has some huge achievements to claim. But this obligatory optimism was clouded in trepidation: Biden, were he running, would lose, and everything he had done would soon be undone by Trump. No serving politician acknowledged this in Chicago. It took three people who are not now, or never were, in office to articulate the otherwise nameless fear.
Bill Clinton invited his listeners to “Just think what a burden its been on us to get up day after day after day after day, buried in \[Trumps\] meaningless hot rhetoric.” Michelle Obama, in the most electrifying speech of the convention, confessed that “I am realizing that, until recently, I have mourned the dimming of…hope. And maybe youve experienced the same feelings, that deep pit in my stomach, a palpable sense of dread about the future.” And Stevie Wonder, before he performed “Higher Ground,” told the audience that “our hearts have been beaten and broken.” Buried in meaninglessness, dread in the deep pit of the stomach, hearts beaten and broken—this is not the usual rhetoric of a party that, after all, won the last election and has been governing with considerable success.
But of course this is not a usual juncture in American politics. It was in these stray moments that an obvious truth was given expression: the joy that radiated through and from the United Center was the other side of what had been so recently a deep despair. In a fine speech on the third night, Pete Buttigieg said, “I just dont believe that America today is in the market for darkness.” But he must have known that progressives were in the market for darkness only a few weeks ago, until Biden made his decision and the party coalesced so decisively behind Kamala Harris.
Thus the Democrats in Chicago were singing a redemption song. It had three parts: valediction, malediction, and benediction. They managed most of the time to harmonize them without too much dissonance. This was no mean feat.
\*
For Bidens valediction, the culmination of the first night, they came both to praise their president and to bury him. This was a living funeral, in which everyone got to express their love for the politically deceased while also making sure that he was well and truly consigned to the partys afterlife. The convention was populated with past presidents, either in person (Clinton, Barack Obama) or through their bloodlines: Jason Carter spoke for his grandfather Jimmy and Jack Schlossberg for his grandfather John F. Kennedy. There was even a fleeting early appearance (in his role as cochair of the Credentials Committee) of James Roosevelt, grandson of Franklin and Eleanor. The eerie feeling beneath all the heartfelt chants of “Thank you, Joe” was that Biden, whether he liked it or not, was being beamed up into this higher echelon of Democratic history, dematerialized as a current presence and rematerialized as a revered memory.
This maneuver was managed with remarkable agility. It is not easy simultaneously to express deep love for someone and enormous relief that this same person is leaving your life. But it helped that both the affection for Biden and the appreciation for his administrations achievements were, so far as I could tell from conversations with delegates, almost universal. It was particularly striking that Biden, who spent almost all of his career as a centrist, is now most admired by the progressives who form the core of the partys activist base. Even the considerable anger many of them feel toward his weak stance on the Gaza war has not diminished their belief that he has been a strong ally on economic issues. (Its notable that Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, in their platform speeches, confined themselves to very short remarks on Gaza.)
[![](https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/OToole202408_2.jpg?w=1150)](https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/OToole202408_2.jpg)
Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images
Joe Biden addressing the crowd during the first day of the Democratic National Convention, Chicago, August 19, 2024
It helped, paradoxically, that Biden seemed vigorous and spoke strongly, even while being openly resigned to the reality that it was age, not failure, that had defeated him. He was able to function well enough to make that acknowledgment into a sign of strength rather than weakness. He could, at last, act his age. “I know,” he said, “more foreign leaders by their first names, and know them well, than anybody alive just because Im so damn old.” He found some comfort in the nice circularity of the question of age in his political career: “I either have been too young to be in the Senate because I wasnt thirty yet, and too old to stay as president.” In those last six words, he gave the Democrats permission to revel in their relief at his decision to depart. He made clear that he was not holding their exuberance against them—which in turn increased their gratitude.
\*
The malediction was, on the face of it, much more straightforward—bad-mouthing Trump at a Democratic convention is not that hard. Yet it too had its complications. Just as the Democrats had to navigate between loving Joe and giving him a jubilant cheerio, they had to figure out how to manage another contradictory feat: cutting Trump down to size while retaining a clear sense of the threat he poses to the very existence of the American republic. Biden had defined himself so much as not-Trump that he had allowed the MAGA man to dominate and define both sides of the great divide of American politics.
Harris is seeking to escape this bind, in part by trying to reconfigure Trump as the Wizard of Oz, a little man who has conjured an illusion of MAGA magnitude. I dont know how coordinated this strategy is, but in Chicago it was notably consistent. Even the renegade Republican Adam Kinzinger was entirely on message when he called Trump “a weak man pretending to be strong. He is a small man pretending to be big…. He puts on quite a show, but there is no real strength there.” 
Barack Obama characterized Trump as a spoiled child “who has not stopped whining about his problems since he rode down his golden escalator nine years ago.” He drew shrieks of delight from the audience when he mentioned Trumps “weird obsession with crowd sizes,” while holding his hands out to suggest a body part that was visibly small. Veronica Escobar called Trump “a small man speaking at small venues.” Michelle Obama said that “going small is petty. Its unhealthy. And quite frankly, its unpresidential.” Bill Clinton shrank Trumpism all the way down to the scale of a single, isolated, solipsistic individual: “The next time you hear him, dont count the lies—count the Is. Hes like the tenor warming up before the opera: me, me, me, me.” J. B. Pritzker, the governor of Illinois, even melted down Trumps money: “Take it from an actual billionaire, Trump is rich in only one thing—stupidity.”
Harris implicitly acknowledged the tension within this strategy of minimization when she said in her acceptance speech, “In many ways, Donald Trump is an unserious man. But the consequences—but the consequences of putting Donald Trump back in the White House are extremely serious.” The trick she is trying to pull off is to turn Trump from the evil ogre that looms over America into a little hobgoblin capable of unleashing some of the most destructive forces in the country. But do persuadable voters fear goblins as much as ogres?
At the convention the answer to this question lay in a very big book. To counterbalance their shrinkage of the man, the Democrats magnified the threat of his putative policies, as articulated by some of those close to him in the Heritage Foundations Project 2025. Each day featured performances in which a speaker carried onstage an enormously oversize volume containing the Project 2025 text and thumped it down on the lectern to emphasize its massiveness. It was presented as a wicked sorcerers book of spells. Mallory McMorrow, the impressive state senator from Michigan, joked that the tome weighs as much as her three-year-old child, and she got a lot of comic mileage from her struggles to handle it. This was pure agitprop theater, but it dovetailed nicely into the dual message: Trump is trivial; his agenda is monumental. How this plays with voters is yet to be seen, but perhaps its real point at the convention was not so much to curse Trump as to lift the curse he had placed on the Democrats themselves. They did a good job of convincing themselves that they are not afraid of him anymore.
\*
As for benediction, the most obvious purpose of the convention was for the party to give its blessing to a candidate who did not, after all, have the mandate of victory from the primaries. The elaborate show of taking a roll-call vote, accompanied by a hyperactive DJ playing snatches of songs appropriate to each state and tens of thousands of preprogrammed wristbands flashing a million points of red-white-and-blue light around the stadium, was clearly a case of protesting too much. The absence of a normal process made it necessary to create an overinsistent simulacrum of one.
More meaningful, however, was the idea of the party giving its blessing to a radically transformed idea of demographic normality. The Democrats grasped the reality that, if their immediate task was to define Harris for voters before the Republicans get to do it, they could not do so without also redefining America itself. If Harris is the right president for the country, that country must be a very different kind of place from what it was when Trump won in 2016. It must be one in which the Black historical experience is not marginal but central, in which immigration is not a threat to American identity but rather *is* that identity, in which women have not just an equal voice but very specific rights to bodily autonomy, and in which entitlement to family life does not require the old credentials of heterosexual patriarchy.
One of the most extraordinary moments of the convention was a simple but immensely potent gesture made by Oprah Winfrey. She referred to previous speakers who had given testimony of their own experiences of rape and sexual abuse and of being denied appropriate medical care in pregnancy because of Republican antiabortion laws. She went on: “If you do not have autonomy over this—over *this*—if you cannot control when and how you choose to bring your children into this world and how they are raised and supported, there is no American dream.” The rhetoric was powerful enough, but much more so was that she pointed to her own body, the body of a Black woman, as she repeated “*this*.”
It is such a body that now carries the hopes of stopping Trump, and Oprahs emphatic four-letter word was a claim on the polity that Harris can represent: *this*. On the opening night, the veteran Los Angeles congresswoman Maxine Waters recalled the question asked by Fannie Lou Hamer at the 1964 Democratic convention when she and her fellow Black activists from Mississippi were refused permission to be seated as delegates: “Is *this* America?” Waters gave her own ringing answer sixty years later: “Damn right it is.” The Democrats were pinning their hopes, once and for all, on the belief that most voters now agree.
\*
This three-part redemption song was heady, even at times intoxicating. But was it, perhaps, all too harmonious? The escape from dread into joy created an atmosphere in which there was precious little room for doubt or dissent. I watched from above while, as Biden was speaking, a small group of delegates unfurled a homemade banner that said “Stop Arming Israel.” They were not interrupting the president—they were on the tiered seating at the back of the arena, and I am pretty sure he could not even have seen them from the stage. What drew the attention of the people in the rows ahead was instead a burly male delegate grabbing the banner and trying to wrench it away. In those rows the delegates did a remarkable thing, raising their poles with WE ❤️ JOE signs on them to block any possible view of the protest from the platform. At least one delegate struck a protester with his loving sign. The others waved them like magic wands that could make this unwanted apparition disappear.
[![](https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/OToole202408_3.jpg?w=1150)](https://www.nybooks.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/OToole202408_3.jpg)
Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images
Delegates using their signs to cover up a “STOP ARMING ISRAEL” banner during Joe Bidens speech at the Democratic National Convention, Chicago, August 19, 2024
This action seemed to me to be entirely spontaneous—the impulse to pretend that the little protest was not happening was instinctive. It spoke volumes of the determination that nothing should be seen to spoil the party. The moment became even weirder when Biden himself referred to the larger Gaza-related protests around the United Center and acknowledged that “those protesters out on the street, they have a point. A lot of innocent people are being killed, on both sides.” The point the protesters were making was that the US is complicit in war crimes—if this point is valid, why could no one be allowed to make it from the platform or from the convention floor? Every mention of a cease-fire in Gaza was enthusiastically cheered by the delegates—as was Harriss expression of hope that “the Palestinian people can realize their right to dignity, security, freedom, and self-determination.” But most of those delegates seemed to want to keep the issue at this rhetorical arms length.
There were other prices to be paid for the euphoria of unanimity. The big message of the convention was that while the Republicans are intent on dragging America back to the past, the Democrats are relentlessly focused on the future. But the biggest force shaping that future—the climate crisis—was barely mentioned until the final night, when it got a brief slot on the program. Harris name-checked it just once in her speech, when she touched on “the freedom to breathe clean air, and drink clean water, and live free from the pollution that fuels the climate crisis.” Her charming running mate, Tim Walz, didnt mention it at all. Perhaps the subject does not adhere to the governing idea of the convention that there should be no market for darkness—or perhaps it raises too many awkward questions about the sustainability of some aspects of the American way of life.
Likewise, the convention went very big on veterans and the armed might of the US. Harris promised, “As commander in chief, I will ensure America always has the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world.” The words “Iraq” and “Afghanistan” cropped up many times as Democrats who had served in those wars displayed their patriotic bona fides. But there was not a single hint of an acknowledgment that the wars themselves were disasters or that there might be questions to be asked about the way America uses its lethal force. Or if any such questions were in the minds of delegates, they were drowned out in the chants of “USA! USA! USA!” that erupted with monotonous regularity. It was clear that the Democrats had decided to try to take American nationalism back from Trump and use it to balance their bold celebration of diverse identities, the exceptional and infinitely powerful “unum” formed from the teeming “pluribus” of the multicultural population. No doubts were to intrude on that mission.
The combination of joyous relief and determined unanimity may well power Harris and Walz all the way to victory in November. There is no mistaking the energy and the discipline of the convention or the way this rare combination created a controlled explosion of genuine enthusiasm. But refusing to be distracted from the single great goal of beating Trump has its dangers when many of the distractions are in fact urgent realities. The Democrats are hoping that the world beyond America will not intrude on their progress toward a genuinely historic victory. The world tends to have other ideas.
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Tag: ["🤵🏻", "🇺🇸", "🐊", "✊🏼", "👴🏼"]
Date: 2024-08-25
DocType: "WebClipping"
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TimeStamp: 2024-08-25
Link: https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/08/18/chicago-seven-protestors-chicago-00172714
location:
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# From Fiery Revolutionary to Sunshine State Retiree: The THC-Fueled Twilight of the Last of the Chicago 7
**DUNEDIN, Florida —** On the surface, Lee Weiner resembles a quintessentially blissed-out Florida retiree. Hes a deeply tanned 84-year-old Jewish guy who is always wearing flip flops and often smoking pot. His laid-back [LinkedIn profile picture](https://www.linkedin.com/in/lee-weiner/) shows him smiling shirtless in a hot tub overlooking the ocean, photo evidence of his abiding mission to chill out.
When we first meet, on a sweltering Tuesday morning in May, he takes me through the motions of his daily Daoist practice. First, we walk a path in his gated community, stopping periodically to smell the flowers. We end at the pool, dip our toes in, then drive to one of his favorite joints: the High and Dry Grill, a breezy palapa overlooking the Gulf of Mexicos Listerine-blue waters. Its now just after 1 p.m., but 5 oclock somewhere, and so Weiner orders a “jumbo” margarita, no salt. I spring for a piña colada, we both start sipping and all the worlds worries seem to wash away.
That is, until Weiner leans over to me, a mix of worry and weariness in his eyes. “I believe we are heading for a very difficult and dark time,” he exclaims.
The flowers and the tequila and the ocean breeze all help chill Weiner out, but only to a point. You see, Weiner is the last surviving member of the Chicago Seven — the famed band of anti-war organizers prosecuted for stirring up trouble at the 1968 DNC Convention. Disturbing the peace is in his bones.
Fifty-six years later, elements of that era echo out everywhere. Next week, the Democratic National Convention will return to Chicago. As in 1968, it will do so at a time of intense intraparty conflict, much of it concerning an increasingly unpopular war.
Back then, Democrats nominated Hubert Humphrey, a vice president replacing an unpopular incumbent, Lyndon Johnson, who bowed out late in the calendar. Republicans fielded Richard Nixon, who ran on a platform fusing crime, race and fear. Both candidacies were vigorously opposed by a young, radical protest movement against war, discrimination and restrictive abortion policies. This activism was largely concentrated on college campuses and prominently featured young Jewish leaders railing against their parents politics. Oh, and there was a man named Robert F. Kennedy on the ballot. Sound familiar?
Weiner was at the psychedelic center of this political storm. In some sense, he was its paragon: the only Chicago native of the seven and its youngest member, a lefty Jew and “a lunatic student,” in his words, who symbolized the streets, the city and the vital role academia has long played in providing the knowledge and the freedom to foment youthful revolt — and change.
The impending protests in Chicago are set to demand an end to American military aid to Israel. As many as 25,000 activists are expected to convene in Cook County, which is today [home to the largest](https://abc7chicago.com/palestinians-little-palestine-chicago-bridgeview/14168398/) population of Palestinians in America. The impact of their actions may be immediately unclear, though many will surely deride them as extreme and counterproductive, as was the case in 1968.
Whats changed is that yesterdays rabble-rousers have become todays institutionalists. Despite youthful promises to the contrary, the baby boomers have largely left the counterculture for corporate jobs, comfier digs and [conservative politics](https://news.gallup.com/poll/181325/baby-boomers-likely-identify-conservative.aspx). This condition famously struck one of the seven, Jerry Rubin, who went from [protesting capitalism](https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/business/1981/04/12/on-wall-street-former-yippie-stages-first-financial-hurrah/de498a66-9400-47ef-b7c2-6c83b6dd382a/) on the floor of the New York Stock Exchange to becoming a Wall Street entrepreneur.
Other defendants became intoxicated by fame or deeply damaged by drugs. One of them, Rennie Davis, fell in with an Indian guru. Bobby Seale, the renowned Black Panther leader who made only a brief appearance in Chicago but was nonetheless initially charged alongside the seven, went on to write, teach and speak. (Now 87, Seale couldnt be reached for comment.)
Unlike Seale or Rubin, Weiner never really got famous. But he never really wanted to. At a press conference during the trial, he described himself as a “technician of the revolution,” grumbling that the case “blew his cover.” He was, to be clear, far from a wallflower, accruing an additional contempt charge after furiously correcting Judge Julius Hoffmans mispronunciation of his last name. (Its WHY-ner, not WEE-ner.)
In the decades since the trial, Weiner has remained righteous, radical and highly attuned to the world. Unlike many boomers, he lacks cynicism and holds an abiding soft spot for “hopeium,” to borrow a Zoomers phrase, knowing full well that its an activists best fuel.
From the looks of his small, spare apartment, its also clear that he never sold out. His gated community is socioeconomically mixed, while the eponymous gate is, according to Weiner, broken about 90 percent of the time. The only tangible benefit Weiner seems to have accrued from his movement days is his funky Honda Civic, which is literally held together by tape. Weiner purchased it with some money Netflix gave him to participate in a [promotional panel](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0QFk_VFzzS0&t=590s&themeRefresh=1) for Aaron Sorkins 2020 film, “The Trial of Chicago 7.”
When Weiner moved to the Sunshine State in 2017, he hoped to finally let go of activism, his first and forever love, and to “not be fucking furious all the time.” But hes resisted the allure of total retirement, including by writing a political memoir called [*Conspiracy to Riot*](https://beltpublishing.com/products/conspiracy-to-riot)*.* That process transported him back to his past, and, via various book talks, put him in contact with a new generation of student activists. “I guess Im retired,” he told the [*Chicago Tribune*](https://www.chicagotribune.com/2020/10/15/the-only-chicagoan-of-the-chicago-7-just-wrote-a-memoir-and-says-hes-a-fan-of-the-netflix-movie-trial-of-the-chicago-7/) in 2020. “Will I write another book? Will I throw a bomb? I dont know, its only the middle of the week.” Perhaps the answer lies on LinkedIn, where Weiner lists himself as an “aspiring anarcho-commie agitator.”
“I cant just be in the audience,” he tells me, longingly, between hits of a weed pen. “It simply isnt my style.”
Of his various vices, its only politics where Weiner self-identifies as a “junkie.” Like any addict, he obsesses over a system that perennially disappoints him. Every morning, he feverishly consumes news from his bedroom, sipping coffee from a Mao Zedong mug and accessing the web via a Wi-Fi network whose password is an ode to Communism. (I wont share the full code, but it begins with “RedStar …”)
Weiner recognizes that protest is often unpopular in the moment but ultimately vindicated in the end, and he has tempered his anger towards Hamas with a clear-eyed analysis about Israels U.S.-backed campaign. “Theres no question — none — that there should be massive demonstrations against the slaughter in Gaza,” he says.
Weiner remains an unyielding champion of street protest, even as its efficacy has come under fire. Some argue that [protest has lost its potency](https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2024/05/protest-effectiveness-research/678292/), while others point to [state-led efforts to criminalize the act](https://www.teenvogue.com/story/states-restricting-protests-criminalizing) as evidence of its abiding strength. While some see protest as a tool of division, Weiner insists that the streets are both a powerful avenue to change and an antidote to isolation. “Youve got to get out there — to yell at somebody, to hug somebody, to love somebody,” he tells me. “You have to be with people, to see their experiences and their pain and then, together, to do something about it.”
He pauses, searching for a corollary activity: “Very few people would disagree that sex is fun and vitally important,” he concludes. “My argument is that politics is the same.”
**Its a few hours after** our tropical drinks, and Weiner and I are watching a blazing sunset from his Honda as we drive inland, to a seafood place called the Lucky Lobster Company. There, as Weiner noshes on his crustacean dinner, he recalls the mixture of hunger and anxiety he felt one night while locked up in Cook County Jail with his six co-defendants, awaiting a verdict.
In their holding area, a co-defendant, Tom Hayden, was readying for the revolution by practicing karate. This elicited cracks from a couple of wise guys who, it turned out, knew a mobster that Weiners father, Herman, worked with on a painting crew. They took a shine to the young, hungry Weiner, and bragged that they knew the assistant warden. Later that night, Weiner swears to me, he received “a food tray with Cornish game hen and wild rice.”
Among the seven, Weiner was the only one with a deep connection to the people and politics of the Second City. Weiner knew mobsters, activists, politicos and cops from his time as a community organizer, where he helped establish welfare and tenant unions, a legal aid clinic and a food co-op. His political worldview was also greatly shaped by the citys academic environments, including Loyola, the University of Chicago and Northwestern, where, among other things, he researched how to start a revolution. (His case studies included Moses breaking the Israelites out of Egypt, and the Bolsheviks.)
Weiner sees todays far-right attacks on higher education as a tacit admission of their importance. “Those sorts of spaces are important to play in and be free and to find out what you care about.”
In 1962, while at the University of Chicago, Weiner pledged to attend the Freedom Rides, but his grandfather interrupted these plans, sending him to Israel for a year to study at Hebrew University. “I accepted the gift, even though I knew it was my familys way to get me back to my Jewish roots and away from the possibility of riding buses into strange and dangerous southern cities,” he recalls in his memoir.
The plan backfired, further radicalizing Weiner and paving the way for his prominent role at the convention. In Israel, Weiner visited a socialist kibbutz, broke bread with Jewish and Arab members of the states Communist Party, and met Jerry Rubin, his future co-conspirator and co-defendant.
Weiner later made pilgrimages to New York to see Rubin. The two would get high, see shows at the Fillmore East, and hang with emerging movement figures, like beat poet Allen Ginsberg and Abbie Hoffman, another of Weiners future co-defendants and a leader of the Youth International Party, or Yippies.
Appreciating Weiners Chicago connections, Hoffman and Rubin deputized him as a field marshal. He attempted to broker logistical agreements with cops he knew and, as backup, trained participants in what he then described as “active and mobile forms of self-defense,” fancy parlance for what essentially amounted to rolling up magazines to deter billy clubs.
Among the many miracles of the 1968 convention was that no one died. Also incredible was the ability of competing activist sects to flow into a cohesive form, even as elements of the media and American intelligence agencies tried to divide and destroy them.
“We were often taken in bad faith, seen as traitors to our country — the useful idiots of the north Vietnamese,’” recalls Frank Joyce, an organizer who attended the convention and assisted with trial prep. Abe Peck, a media professor emeritus at Northwestern who covered the trial for a defunct radical newspaper called *The Seed*, says mass movements often grapple with a “media framing that tends to be about violence as opposed to what are the issues and what does the movement stand for.”
The Yippies managed to break through this framing with a series of satirical convention happenings. They nominated a pig named Pegasus for president and held an “Anti-Birthday Party” for President Johnson. Amid this, Ginsberg recited [Hindu incantations](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sI4qC4wQMnw&t=22s) on the shores of Lake Michigan, enriching an overall hippie ethic that made it hard to cast the protesters as violent.
By the third night, Weiner was fed up with the cops incessant beatings. He vented to some fellow marshals that to truly “contest ownership of the streets” one needed only three ingredients: a pile of dirty rags, a tank of gasoline and thin-glassed soda bottles.
As he would later learn, one of the marshals was an undercover cop, leading him and another lesser-known defendant, John Froines, to face the most serious charges: “teaching demonstrators how to construct incendiary devices that would be used in civil disturbances.”
Weiners penchant for property destruction briefly resurfaces during our drive to the High & Dry Grill, when I bring up Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who grew up in Dunedin and played baseball on a team that made the [1991 Little League World Series](https://www.littleleague.org/history/world-series/rosters/year-1991/).
“What ball field did he grow up playing on?” Weiner asks me. “We should go salt it.” He clarifies that hes joking, and I kind of believe him.
**The main charge applied** to the seven derived from the Anti-Riot Act, a law tucked into a 1968 housing bill championed by segregationists to target civil rights leaders. Its signature statute criminalizes traveling over state lines in connection with “inciting or planning a riot.” (In yet another strange echo of our eras, participants in both the Jan. 6 insurrection and the George Floyd protests [were charged](https://www.thedailybeast.com/the-legal-line-that-ties-the-chicago-seven-to-jan-6) under the same obscure law.)
The trial, like the protests, was an indignant, sometimes wacky affair. This strange alchemy effectively managed to both expose the role of Chicago police in causing the convention violence and showcase the political zeal of President Richard Nixons prosecutors from the Department of Justice. In the end, all seven defendants were acquitted.
The trial was also what Rubin called a “[Jewish morality play](https://www.press.umich.edu/pdf/9780472031610-1.pdf),” one that exposed an emerging intergenerational shift among Americans Jews that feels newly resonant today. Judge Hoffman was Jewish, as were three lawyers and three defendants: Abbie Hoffman (no relation to the judge), Rubin and Weiner.
Some viewed Judge Hoffman as an over-assimilated Midwestern Jew, including defendant Hoffman, who, [in rough Yiddish](https://www.nytimes.com/1970/02/06/archives/judge-hoffman-is-taunted-at-trial-of-the-chicago-7-after-silencing.html), derided the judge in court as a “front man for the WASP power elite.” That same day, Rubin deemed him “synonymous with Adolf Hitler.” The wide gulf on display at the trial, which is richly explored in a [2002 academic paper](https://www.press.umich.edu/pdf/9780472031610-1.pdf), was largely informed by contrasting feelings and memories of the Holocaust. Another factor was the 1967 Six Day War, which at once fueled Jewish nationalism among older people and, for many younger ones, created newfound consciousness around Palestinian suffering.
Many older Jews at the time supported U.S. involvement in Vietnam on the grounds that criticizing a proxy fight against the Soviet Union was “bad for Israel.” President Johnson, for his part, was offended by anti-war fervor among mostly younger Jews at a time when he was taking new steps to aid Israel.
In the years after the trial, radical political organizations founded by young lefty Jews sprung up, many of them focused on supporting Palestinian rights. Weiner, for his part, defined his Jewishness less around Israel and more around his tribes history of radical organizing and political struggle in Europe and America — an identity largely shaped by his mother, Ruth, who steeped him in Marx, Lenin, Trotsky and Studs Terkel. He started a small, short-lived communist collective in Brooklyn that focused on domestic change. After the collective disbanded, he eventually landed at the Anti-Defamation League, then focused chiefly on battling American antisemitism, racism and bigotry, where he stayed for 15 years.
As many older progressive Jews now feel [isolated by](https://www.nytimes.com/2023/10/20/us/politics/progressive-jews-united-states.html) the fierce protests opposing Israels siege of Gaza, Weiner is taking a different approach. His visceral connections to his past remind him that young people are intrinsically uncompromising and naïve, imperfect traits, perhaps, but ones that are critical to activism. Weiner knows that any good movement is clever, forceful and simplistic. “Protest messages have to be relatively short,” he instructs me. “And they generally have to rhyme.” He sees in the current movement blunt messages but also antisemitic ones on the sidelines, a fault, in his eyes, of our current era of diffuse resistance, where “the lack of a publicly recognized leader allows for the emergence of otherwise marginalized and ugly voices.”
After Oct. 7, Weiner considered sending the ADL some money, only to find that theyd gone “a little off the wall” in response to recent demonstrations, including by deeming Jewish-led peace rallies [as antisemitic](https://theintercept.com/2023/11/11/palestine-israel-protests-ceasefire-antisemitic/). When, earlier this summer, Wikipedia [announced it would](https://www.cnn.com/2024/06/19/media/wikipedia-adl/index.html) start labeling ADL information as “unreliable,” Weiner shot off a furious email to me. “Dumb shits,” he wrote, referring to his former employer. “When they are really, really needed they seem to have let their Israel (not Jewish) agenda overwhelm everything else.”
**On our second and final day** together, Weiner and I drive west, past the High and Dry Grill out to Honeymoon Island, an ironically beloved spot for a man thrice divorced. (In our time together, and in his book, Weiner is upfront about how his unceasing commitment to politics led to neglect and other failures in his family life.)
On the drive over, we pass through downtown Dunedin, where I spot a patriotic archway on main street. It reads:
*★ Defending ★ ★ ★ Freedom ★*
*Honoring U.S. Military*
“Im glad you live in a town that loves America, but that feels off-brand for you,” I say to Weiner in jest.
“I do love America,” he replies.
“I know,” I say. “Im just joking.”
“So am I,” he shoots back mischievously.
Its a perfect bit of snark from a man shaped by a movement steeped in it. But later, Weiner admits hes leery of me quoting the exchange, worried that itll further fortify the perception that anti-war activists hate America. He explains that “the Constitution saved my ass,” adding that his gated communitys pool is frequented by two former special forces operatives, both of whom he likes quite a lot.
Shortly after we arrive at the beach, I spot two dolphins playing, and we watch them for minute, smiling. As small waves lap at our feet, Weiner admits the obvious: that, despite all the natural beauty around him, he finds his mind returning a lot to Chicago.
His memories are bittersweet, recalling real movement power but also a whimpering dissolution, as youthful energy gave away to hardened pragmatism — in this case, the transformation of yippies into yuppies. “Some people stayed in politics, and some people gave up and went for money,” Weiner says. “A good friend of mine turned into a currency trader. He did quite well.”
Still, Weiner was never fully inflexible. Despite his intense opposition to Humphrey in 1968, he voted for him — and urges his younger compatriots to follow suit in November. (Hes toying with producing T-shirts that read “Commies for Kamala,” if anyones interested.)
For decades, Weiners racked his brain hoping to understand what went wrong after Chicago. “Part of it was age, part of it was drugs, part of it was internal conflicts.” He advises young people to resist becoming hardened by money and practicality, and for his older cohort to rediscover the radicalism of their past — creating the sort of strong, intergenerational bonds that largely eluded the 1968 anti-war movement.
Perhaps the final nail in his movements coffin came in 1996, when the DNC Convention first returned to Chicago. It often felt like a sad [mutant version](https://www.southcoasttoday.com/story/news/nation-world/1996/08/28/it-s-1996-protesters-are/50633413007/) of 1968. Richard Daleys son was mayor, Abbie Hoffmans son was protesting and some Chicago cops wore shirts reading “We Kicked Your Fathers Ass in 68 and Well Kick Yours in 96.” Protests were minor, tame and unserious. A major demand by activists was that the U.S. Post Office produce a stamp honoring John Belushi.
I ask for Weiners most vivid memory from 1968, and he transports back to the night of August 28, during the so-called [Battle of Michigan Avenue](https://www.filmpreservation.org/preserved-films/screening-room/battle-of-michigan-avenue-1969). This was the most intense burst of protest, one in which thousands of people, marching peacefully with candles and singing “We Shall Overcome” were stopped and senselessly attacked by law enforcement.
The beatings outside the hall shocked many within, including liberal Connecticut Sen. Abraham Ribicoff, who, at the convention dais, inveighed against “Gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago.” In response, Mayor Daley stood up angrily on the floor and shouted, “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch, you lousy motherfucker, go home!”
At some point during the maelstrom, Weiner peeled off from the crowd, climbed the steps of the Art Institute and lit a cigarette. “It was the only time in my life I thought a revolution in the United States might be possible,” he recalls. “It was nice to have that moment.”
Weiner stopped smoking cigarettes on Jan. 20, 1985 — the day of Ronald Reagans second inauguration. He was living in D.C., happened to walk by the capitol and swore, in that moment, to quit cold turkey. “I wanted to outlast him,” he explains.
Not only did Weiner outlast Reagan, he will soon see a spiritual sequel to his proudest political achievement. Its a new movement now, one characterized by leaderless resistance and a far more diverse population. Todays young people are burdened by things that Weiner and his peers never needed to worry about, like crushing student debt, disinformation and division sowed via technology, and a heightened sense that an arrest record could ruin ones future job prospects. The slate of urgent issues has also exploded, thanks both to policy regression on older fronts, like voting rights and abortion, and the emergence of newer battles, like climate change and gun violence.
Still, an emergent movement of young people are out in the streets, fighting for change. Weiner, for his part, remains eager to ring in the revolution. Tucked away in his kitchen drawer is a pack of American Spirits, ready to be smoked when the world makes peace.
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# How McDonalds Found Out Its Wildly Popular Monopoly Game Was a Fraud
In March 2001, the phone rang in the office of Rob Holm, the director of Global Security for McDonalds Corporation. “Holm,” he said as he picked up the receiver. He didnt expect what followed.
“Hi, Rob. This is Special Assistant United States Attorney Mark Devereaux calling from Jacksonville, Florida.”
[![](https://s26162.pcdn.co/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/08/mcmillions4-203x300.jpg)](https://bookshop.org/a/238/9781538720110)
Holm stammered, “How can I help you?”
“Id like to invite you to come down here from Oak Brook to have a little chat with us here at the FBIs field office.”
“Whats this about?” asked Holm.
“Im not really at liberty to discuss that with you over the phone. We can talk about it when you guys get here.”
“You want to talk to me about something but you cant tell me what its all about? When?” asked Holm.
“Now,” answered Devereaux. “Oh, and Rob? I really have to emphasize that you need to keep this quiet. Nobody other than yourself and your team can know about this, okay?”
“Uh, sure. Okay,” answered Holm. “But cant you give me some clue as to what this is all about?”
“I apologize. Everything will be explained once you get down here. I look forward to meeting you in person. Thanks.” Devereaux ended the call.
Faced with this mystery, Holm and two of his colleagues—McDonalds in-house legal counsel Kathryn Mlsna and communications head Jack Daly—made the flight from Chicago to Jacksonville.
When the plane touched down and the trio stepped onto the concourse, they were met by a sharp-dressed man. He introduced himself as Mark Devereaux, and he wasnt what they had been expecting. With his slick, double-breasted suit and salt-and-pepper hair and mustache, he looked more like a well-heeled yacht owner than a Fed. He led them to the short-term parking lot where his government-issued Ford Crown Victoria was parked. “Welcome to Jacksonville,” Devereaux said as they climbed in.
The ride to FBI headquarters was tense. Devereaux tried to make small talk, but it wasnt clicking with his captive audience. The question hanging heavy in the quiet interior of the car was What are we doing here? Devereaux ignored it and instead offered trivia about the city of Jacksonville. As they crossed over a bridge, Deveraux said, “See that? Thats the St. Johns River. Its one of the very few in the country that flows south to north. Unbelievable, right?”
The trio of McDonalds executives smiled politely and nodded, feigning interest. What is with this guy? They were high-powered corporate people. They werent used to being treated this way.
As Devereaux wheeled the big black Crown Vic into the parking lot for the Jacksonville office of the FBI, the mood in the car began to change. The McDonalds execs sense of dread and suspense was turning to irritation with the well-dressed man behind the wheel.
At the entrance to the blocky, completely ordinary-looking building, Devereaux drew his badge and led his guests past the FBI seal inlaid on the lobby floor. An escort of agents met them and led the group through sets of security doors—“man traps” as they were called—where they had to wait, stuffed into a cramped chamber, until the door behind them closed with a whoosh of recycled air. Once the door closed, the escort would key in a code to open the door in front of them.
Was there a more streamlined way to do this? Of course, but Devereaux was invested in ratcheting up the tension. With nearly twenty years of prosecutorial experience, he hadnt given them the long tour for kicks or to annoy them. He had been watching them carefully the whole time. The agents who had been escorting the executives used the opportunity to study them as well. They looked for body language and any other little tells that might indicate guilt. To Devereaux, these execs were all potential suspects.
Were any of these people starting to sweat? Anyone looking flushed or flustered? Any nervous laughter? Any inappropriate attitude? Did they do anything that might be the manifestation of a guilty conscience? To Devereauxs eyes, they showed nothing other than a growing sense of frustration with him.
They entered a nondescript conference room where they were soon joined by a trio of agents. “Hi, thanks for coming,” said a trim, sharp-featured man. “Im Chris Graham, white-collar crime squad chief. These are Special Agents Rick Dent and Doug Mathews.”
The executives politely shook hands all around, gave their names and positions, and sat on one side of the conference table while the FBI took the other. All of them wondered about the young-looking agent, the one introduced as Doug Mathews. He stood out, impossible to miss or dismiss. While everyone else in the room was dressed for serious business in dark suits, Mathewss suit was gold. He looked like a cross between Graceland Elvis and a McDonalds French fry. It seemed incongruous for the seriousness of the situation, but nobody commented on it and Mathews offered no explanation. It was just there.
The two teams could have almost switched sides—except for Doug Mathews and his gold suit—and nobody would have been the wiser: buttoned up, buttoned down, and every hair in place, these were the representatives of two towering cultural symbols: the FBI and the Golden Arches. Both were woven into the fabric of the country. G-men and fast food.
Devereaux moved to the dry-erase board. He paused—again for dramatic effect—and wrote down a name. “Ring any bells?” he asked the execs.
They glanced at the name, turned to one another with con-fused looks on their faces before they shook their heads. “No. That name means nothing to us.”
“Okay,” said Devereaux. He wrote another name below the first. “How about this one?”
Nothing.
Devereaux continued the parlor game for several more rounds. The whiteboard was starting to fill with names  .  .  . absolutely none of which meant a thing to the McDonalds executives. Devereaux started to feel confident that these people werent part of any criminal scheme. He felt relatively convinced their reactions were genuine.
McDonalds in-house legal counsel Kathryn Mlsna finally spoke up, a hint of annoyance in her voice. “Is anyone going to tell us what this is all about?”
Devereaux answered, “These are all names of some of the top prizewinners in your Monopoly promotional games.”
If the execs had a readable reaction, it was “So what?” The fast-food giant had, by this point, been running the promotional Monopoly games at least once, if not multiple times a year since 1987. Hundreds of contestants had claimed the top prizes: Dodge Vipers, Sea-Doos, trips to the Super Bowl . . . and cash, lots of cash. The monetary prizes ranged from as low as $50 all the way up to $1 million. Each time the game was run, there were at least two million-dollar winners. If the game was run twice within a year, there were four million-dollar winners.
Devereaux, always the showman, picked the precise moment to drop the reveal. “Do you realize that some of these people are related or connected to each other in some way?”
The surnames on the board were all different, but Devereaux started drawing lines and filling in information. “This guy, William Fisher? Hes the father-in-law of this winner, this Jerry Colombo fellow.” Deveraux continued drawing lines connecting the names.
The McDonalds executives were caught off guard.
The prosecutor continued. “We ran the numbers. The odds of anyone winning any of the big prizes are about one in a hundred million,” Devereaux said.
The executives shot glances at one another, unaware of the specifics. Devereaux went deeper. “The odds of three people from the same family or group of friends winning”—he pulled a small notebook from his jacket and flipped to the page he was looking for—“are one in a hundred and twenty trillion. You have a better chance of growing a third eye or acquiring superpowers from a mosquito bite. But maybe this is just one, singularly lucky family. Maybe its coincidence. But in my business, theres no such thing as coincidence. Im sure it exists somewhere, but in my world, it doesnt factor in.” With finality, Devereaux stepped away from the whiteboard and took a seat. Silence again swallowed the conference room.
Devereaux broke it with his kill shot. “The suspect game pieces go all the way back to 1989. Thats two years after you launched the Monopoly promotion. Its entirely possible that the last twelve years of the game have been tainted by fraud.”
The execs were dumbfounded. They were not babes in the woods. They were experienced people. They had seen some shit over the course of their careers. Mlsna had been solving company problems with McDonalds in-house legal department since 1977, when she was recruited by the company fresh out of Northwestern Universitys law school. Jack Daly ran the comms team and was such a company man, he wore a Golden Arches pin on his lapel. If the company had an image problem—or any-thing else—he was the fixer. There was never a shortage of problems. Hed recently reassured a world rattled by reports of “mad cow disease,” traced to British beef, that McDonalds did not use any meat products from the UK. There was no time to rest. As soon as he handled that bit of business, he was busy dealing with the fallout from the book *Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side of the All-American Meal* by Eric Schlosser, which decried fast food in general but reserved its most potent venom for McDonalds. Rob Holm had been the director of McDonalds global security for four years. Tall with strong features and a commanding presence, he had a voice to match. He was, as they say, “always on it.” Problems rarely fazed him. Now though, after hearing Mark Devereauxs summary, these three execs were absolutely speechless. How did they miss this? They had so many questions. And for good reason. The McDonalds Monopoly game was no inconsequential promotion. It was big voodoo. There was a reason the game had been around for fourteen years . . . and was set to begin a new cycle in just a few short weeks and run until June. The FBI realized it was on a ridiculously tight time line.
Without fail, every time McDonalds ran its Monopoly promotion, there was an almost unbelievable 40 percent jump in sales. Those kinds of numbers were unheard of in the world of retail promotions. The Boardwalk Avenue game piece—the one that matter-of-factly read “$1,000,000 cash”—was a real-life version of Willy Wonkas Golden Ticket. More than that, the television commercials hyping the game ran virtually non-stop during prime time—“Do not pass Go, go directly to McDonalds!” After fourteen years of this, McDonalds Monopoly game was wedged into the brains of even the most casual consumer of mass media. Beyond that, McDonalds itself was Americana. It was pop culture. It touched everyone.
The game also brought the promise of fame and celebrity. Maybe not anything huge, but winners got play in regional media where they were often seen hobnobbing with Ronald McDonald—who was definitely a celebrity—and holding comically huge cardboard checks, each made out for a cool “One . . . Million . . . Dollars!”
But the hoopla wasnt always confined to small-town newspapers and TV stations. Sometimes it went national. On a chilly December day in 1995, as the holiday season was beginning to ramp up, Tammie Murphy was in the mailroom of St. Jude Childrens Research Hospital in Memphis, Tennessee, opening donation envelopes. She came across an unusual one and almost trashed it. For one thing, it only had the hospitals address handwritten in black ink in big block letters. There was no return address. It wasnt freaky-weird to get an envelope like that, but it was unusual enough that Tammie took note. After opening the letter, she got the surprise of a lifetime. Instead of the typical five- or ten-dollar donation, the envelope held a McDonalds Monopoly game board. In addition, there was a winning game piece. Tammie didnt look at it too closely—how much could it possibly be worth?—and wondered if she could even accept such a donation. Tammie called her supervisor, twiddling the game piece as the phone rang. She studied the piece a little more carefully as she waited. She almost choked when she saw the piece was worth a million dollars. It was a “holiday miracle.”
The national news media had a field day. Audiences loved mysteries and they loved the feel-good vibe of some selfless per-son out there doing something for nothing. It was a story that lent itself to many angles, and it seemed every outlet had one. There was Tammie who nearly trashed the prize thinking it was junk. There was the hospital director who broke out in tears of gratitude and sobbed, “Whoever you are out there—thank you. You are an angel.” CBS Evening News anchor Dan Rather closed out a broadcast by using the story to assure his audience that there was still some good in the world: “Odds of finding this winning piece were one in more than two hundred and six million,” he intoned in his best grave, trusted broad-casters voice. “Odds of someone giving it away . . . heaven only knows.” Ultimately, the money was delivered as a “donation” rather than a “win” to keep everything ethical and upright, but a million dollars is a million dollars.
Back in the FBIs conference room, the McDonalds execs had to ask themselves, “Did we overlook an obvious scam because we were caught up in the thrill and excitement of the game and the attending hype ourselves?” That seemed impossible. They had been around. They had seen real winners. People had been on TV, smiling from ear to ear, jumping up and down with excitement. That had been genuine, hadnt it?
Despite their initial findings, it was still unclear to the FBI if the fraud was limited to Devereauxs examples on the dry-erase board. Given past experience, they doubted it. But even armed with cops suspicion and cynicism, they hadnt yet discovered just how deep the scheme had gone: that over a twelve-year period from 1989 to 2001, virtually none of the winners of any high-value prizes were legit.
Every man, woman, and child who had excitedly peeled a game piece off a box of fries or a soda cup; who had clipped a piece from an ad in a magazine or a Sunday newspaper; or who had walked up to a McDonalds counter worker and asked for a game piece (for legal reasons, no purchase was necessary to play the game) had almost no chance of winning.
All of the winners who walked into various McDonalds restaurants across the country, waving a winning game piece and claiming a victory over the gods of chance, were cogs in a skillfully crafted conspiracy of fraud. From the start of one of the longest-running promotional games in the country, just about every single big-ticket game piece—including the one an anonymous do-gooder sent to St. Jude Childrens Hospital—was stolen.
Unfortunately, by the time the McDonalds executives arrived in Jacksonville, the FBIs limited amount of hard evidence wasnt enough to warrant the resources needed to launch an official, honest-to-goodness, get-shit-done investigation. The list of potential suspects kept metastasizing. Attempts to break down how the fraud worked were still only theories, which only led to more questions. Were the game pieces being manipulated at their place of manufacture? How many people were involved in that process? Who were they? Considering all the cash and prizes that had been paid out over the years, one thing was certain: the scheme, however it worked, was successful.
Back in the Jacksonville conference room, with the McDonalds execs no longer suspects, Mark Devereaux had a question for them: “What are the nuts and bolts of the game? How does that little game piece that we peel off a box of fries get there in the first place?”
It was a good question. A simple question. And it was a question the McDonalds execs had no idea how to answer. They looked nervously at one another. They didnt have a clue about the inner workings of the game.
This was unexpected. McDonalds founder Ray Kroc had put a system in place that was brutally efficient, unwaveringly consistent—when you ordered a hamburger in Phoenix, Arizona, it was the exact same burger youd get in Beijing, China, right down to the placement of the pickle slices—and clearly understood by every employee from the high schooler working the counter part-time to the executives sitting in the conference room talking with the FBI. This was accomplished by a company policy that required every corporate executive to put in a week doing grunt work at one of the companys restaurants.
Before she got settled into her role as the companys promising legal star, Kathryn Mlsnas first week was spent at a McDonalds in Darien, Illinois, frying spuds, mopping floors, and unintentionally messing up customers orders. But to truly get granular with all aspects of the companys workings, all managers and executives had to attend Hamburger University where they earned advanced degrees in Hamburgerology. In reality, though, Hamburger University was more boot camp than ivy-covered halls. The training was intense. Every McDonalds executive in the conference room that day could tell the agents the incredible minutiae of constructing a Filet-O-Fish sandwich or the correct method of cleaning a McDonalds restroom, but not one of them knew a thing about the workings of the companys biggest sales generator.
That was because the game was outsourced.
It made sense, though. Devereaux rationalized, “McDonalds makes French fries and hamburgers and milkshakes and apple pies. It doesnt make marketing.”
However, the McDonalds team did know one thing: McDonalds was planning to gear up a new Monopoly game in a few weeks. After that, theyd launch in Europe. They were concerned. Rob Holm, the director of global security, spoke up. “So . . . maybe we should cancel this thing.” His team nodded in agreement.
The FBI saw things differently. Calling off the game would be counterproductive to an investigation. Devereaux explained, “The best way for us to try to pull the rope in and figure out whats on the other end of this is to have another game. We want to catch the perpetrators in the act.” And then he made a request: “Wed like McDonalds to run the game—just as was planned—one more time.”
There was an uneasy silence from the McDonalds side of the table. Was running the game—with full knowledge that it was rigged—the best plan of action? McDonalds had a reputation to protect. The company was iconic. Like Disney, its reach was global, but its face was a sunshiny, idealized version of the US of A. Smiles were bright, family was paramount, and there was cultural harmony. The McDonalds experience was woven into the fabric of everyday life. McDonalds was America.
Not surprisingly, the McDonalds execs knew they had a lot to protect. Each head at that table started to fill with images of scandalous headlines, lawsuits, and all the ensuing problems that could follow if this thing went public. The damage could be beyond repair.
On the one hand, the company was under no obligation to honor Devereauxs plea to run the game again. Sure, McDonalds had to provide properly requested materials, but it wasnt required to participate in a sting operation with the FBI. There was always the option of just walking away and filing the entire thing in a folder marked “Forgotten.”
On the other hand, the company wanted to find out who was behind the fraud. Was anyone from corporate involved? Devereaux and the FBI mostly felt confident that was not the case, although Doug Mathews remained skeptical. Rick Dent explained to his rookie that they had to be open with McDonalds if they expected information and cooperation. Mathews sighed. “Sometimes you just have to roll the dice to move an investigation forward.”
McDonalds wasnt in favor of condoning crime, but the company had to look at this as a business issue. There was always the strong possibility McDonalds might get sued once word got out about a possibly rigged game, and whatever fraud had taken place over the course of the promotions, it hadnt really cost the company anything. The prizes and cash would have been awarded to somebody—or nobody in the event of a winning game piece being tossed in a trash bin. So was this strictly about ethics? McDonalds took them seriously. All employees, top to bottom, were given a standards of business conduct under which they were expected to operate. The document was forty pages long and covered almost every aspect of working for McDonalds. All employees were required to read the document, know the document, and sign the document to affirm theyd read it. But how did ethics help the bottom line? Game winners, legitimate or not, created lots of buzz and the company couldnt buy that kind of PR and advertising. There was a lot to consider. A decision couldnt be made on the spot.
The execs flew back to Chicago to take the FBIs findings to then-CEO Jack M. Greenberg. They knew that McDonalds—like any other corporation—would go to great lengths to shield itself from negative publicity . . . and in the past, there had been some stunningly bad press, including a mass shooting.
When James Oliver Huberty, a forty-one-year-old firearms enthusiast, was laid off from his job in the private security sector, he reacted in a way that would become increasingly common in the United States: random violence. Armed with a Browning Hi-Power handgun, a semiautomatic Uzi, and a Winchester 1200 pump-action shotgun, Huberty walked into a San Ysidro, California, McDonalds on July 18, 1984, and murdered twenty-one people and injured nineteen others. Why he chose McDonalds—a business to which he had no connections—remains a mystery. The company had a serious problem on its hands.
At the time, it was the deadliest mass shooting by a single gunman in American history. Before a police sniper took out Huberty with a chest shot and ended the carnage, it was already being called “the McDonalds massacre.” Pictures from the crime scene broadcast on the world news all seemingly man-aged to get in the Golden Arches. Sick jokes riffed on McDonalds ads and messaging. “Over 50 billion served . . . and only 21 murdered!” These spread like wildfire in an age when the closest equivalent to the internet was the CB radio. This was McDonalds. Everybody had a hot take on the story. McDonalds vowed to reopen the San Ysidro store. That didnt sit well with the community.
A petition opposing its relaunch circulated and gathered thousands of signatures within hours. McDonalds was out. Within a week of the tragedy, Joan Kroc, the recent widow of company founder Ray Kroc, personally donated the location to the city. By late September, the restaurant was demolished. Gone without a trace. McDonalds one stipulation to the city was that no other restaurant of any kind could ever be built at the location. Agreed. By that October, it was as if nothing had ever happened at the site.
The Monopoly fraud case certainly didnt rise to the level of what happened in San Ysidro, but there was still the strong likelihood that the McDonalds board would just toss the Monopoly fraud down the corporate memory hole, never to be seen or heard of again.
It wasnt a snap decision; nothing in the corporate world ever is. Whether or not the company would cooperate with the FBI wasnt Rob Holms decision. Personally, Holm was against running the game due to the level of risk it presented. The question was: Would Jack Greenberg take the easy way out or would he do what the FBI wanted?
The following week, Mark Devereaux had just about writ-ten off the companys cooperation. He was at his desk when the phone rang. “Hey, Mark. Its Rob Holm. McDonalds Corporation is all in. The games set to start next month, so well go from April through June.”
Devereaux hung up the phone. The clock was ticking . . .
\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_\_
[**Excerpted from the book MCMILLIONS: THE ABSOLUTELY TRUE STORY OF** **HOW AN UNLIKELY PAIR OF FBI AGENTS BROUGHT DOWN THE MOST SUPERSIZED FRAUD IN FAST FOOD HISTORY by James Lee Hernandez and Brian Lazarte. Copyright © 2024 by James Lee Hernandez and Brian Lazarte. Reprinted with permission of** **Grand Central Publishing****. All rights reserved.**](https://bookshop.org/a/238/9781538720110) 
[![](https://s26162.pcdn.co/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2024/08/mcmillions4-203x300.jpg)](https://bookshop.org/a/238/9781538720110)
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# How Nayib Bukele's 'Iron Fist' Has Transformed El Salvador
*You can read the transcript of the interview [here](http://time.com/7015636/president-nayib-bukele-interview/) and the Spanish version [here](http://time.com/7015751/entrevista-presidente-nayib-bukele/).*
Before he became arguably the most popular head of state in the world, Nayib Bukele was an adman. The President of El Salvador has branded himself the “worlds coolest dictator” and a “philosopher king,” but he is, perhaps above all, a former publicist attuned to the power of image—his own and his countrys. On the day we met in late June, at the presidential offices in San Salvador, Bukele was dressed all in black. Nine brilliant peacocks roamed the lawn outside. “A leader should be a philosopher before he is a king,” Bukele told me, reclining in a chair as the sun set over the lush jungle grounds, “rather than the typical politician who is hated by their people.”
It was Bukeles first interview with a foreign reporter in three years. The occasion was something of a victory lap. At 43, he has remade a nation that was once the worlds murder capital, turning it into a country safer than [Canada](https://time.com/6696097/canadian-far-right/), according to Salvadoran government data. Bukeles policy of *mano dura*—iron fist—drove an aggressive crackdown on vicious gangs that has jailed 81,000 people and led to a precipitous drop in homicides. After [decades of violence](https://time.com/5582894/gender-violence-women-el-salvador/), fear, and extortion, citizens can move freely in former gang-controlled “red zones,” lounge in parks, and go out at night. El Salvador now markets itself as the “land of surf, volcanoes, and coffee,” hosts international events like the Miss Universe pageant, and draws tourists and cryptocurrency enthusiasts to coastal enclaves like “Bitcoin Beach.” The transformation helped Bukele cruise to re-election earlier this year; his approval rating these days tops 90% according to the latest CID Gallup poll. His picture adorns key chains, mugs, and T-shirts at souvenir stands; prominent portraits of him and his wife greet visitors at the airport. As we spoke, blue-and-gold banners festooned the streets of the capital, remnants of his second inauguration three weeks earlier.
Bukeles popularity has come in spite—or perhaps because—of his defiance of constitutional, political, and legal constraints. Since 2022, he has ruled under emergency powers that suspend key civil liberties, including due process. His security regime can make arrests without warrants, including of minors as young as 12, and hauls hundreds of suspects into mass trials. One in every 57 Salvadorans is now incarcerated—triple the rate of the U.S. and the highest in the world. Bukeles allies have fired top judges and packed the courts with loyalists, allowing him to dodge a constitutional prohibition to run successfully for a second term—all with broad public support.
![Nayib Bukele El Salvador Time Magazine cover](https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/TIM240916-Bukele-Cover-FINAL.jpg?quality=75&w=2400)
Photograph by Christopher Gregory-Rivera for TIME
**Read More:** *[A Controversial Facial-Recognition Company Quietly Expands Into Latin America](https://time.com/6988684/clearview-ai-latin-america/)*
Organized political opposition has, in the Presidents words, been “pulverized.” Defense attorneys, journalists, and NGOs say the government has intimidated, surveilled, or attacked them, spurring many to flee. “El Salvadors institutions have been totally co-opted, subdued, and made obedient to the presidency,” says Celia Medrano, a Salvadoran human-rights activist.
Human-rights groups have accused Bukeles government of abuses including arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances, and torture. Salvadoran lawyers tell TIME they have documented thousands of cases of innocent people who were caught in the dragnet with no legal recourse. Bukele appears to consider them collateral damage in a larger war, the cost of guaranteeing the safety of the nations 6 million people. “Go anywhere,” he dares me. “Ask the people. It will be incredibly rare to find a negative opinion in the population.” He resents foreign critics focus on preserving El Salvadors fragile democratic institutions—a corrupt system that, as many see it, only allowed the gangs to flourish. “Everything in life has a cost,” Bukele says, “and the cost of being called authoritarian is too small to bother me much.”
For Bukeles admirers, El Salvador has become a showcase for how populist authoritarianism can succeed. His second term will be a test of what happens to a state when its charismatic young leader has an overwhelming mandate to dismantle its democratic institutions in pursuit of security. The results will have sweeping implications not just for El Salvador but also the region, where political leaders are eager to replicate what many call *el milagro Bukele*—the Bukele miracle.
Whether it can be sustained is a different question. While most Salvadorans say they are satisfied with the state of the countrys democracy, 61% say they fear negative consequences if they publicly express their opinions about its problems, according to a survey by [Chilean](https://time.com/6210924/chile-rejects-new-constitution-referendum/) firm Latinobarometro. Supporters hail Bukele as a visionary, but critics call him a millennial *caudillo:* a social-media-savvy strongman repackaged for the TikTok age. Some close to him say he worries about losing support as Salvadorans concerns shift from security to the economy. El Salvador remains one of the poorest countries in the western hemisphere, and Bukele has made a series of gambles that have not been well received by many foreign investors and creditors, including adopting Bitcoin as legal tender and investing some of the countrys reserves in the [cryptocurrency](https://time.com/6236899/el-salvador-bukele-bitcoin-crash/).
**Read More: *[](https://time.com/6980600/javier-milei-argentina-interview/)*** *[Javier Mileis Radical Plan to Transform Argentina](https://time.com/6980600/javier-milei-argentina-interview/)*
Even so, others are following the Salvadoran leaders blueprint. His name is invoked on the campaign trail from Peru to Argentina. Some of his harshest critics, including in the Biden Administration, are now courting his favor. Ecuador and Honduras are building mass prisons inspired by Bukeles. His popularity in El Salvador may export a brand of “punitive populism” that leads other heads of state to restrict constitutional rights, especially in a region where voters are increasingly gravitating toward authoritarianism. “The international community has been paralyzed by Bukeles popularity and his success crushing the countrys bloodthirsty gangs,” says Benjamin Gedan, director of the Wilson Centers Latin America Program. “But we know how this story ends. And when Salvadorans tire of Bukele, they might have no options to express their political preferences.”
![Accused gang members in custody at a maximum-security prison in Izalco, El Salvador, in 2020.](https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/nayib-bukele-interview-2.jpg?quality=75&w=2400)
Accused gang members in custody at a maximum-security prison in Izalco, El Salvador, in 2020.Yuri Cortez—AFP/Getty Images
---
**The seeds of El Salvadors** transformation were first planted in Nuevo Cuscatlán, a sleepy town of 8,000 people on the outskirts of the capital. It was there, in 2012, that the sharply dressed scion of a wealthy local family arrived to run for mayor. “He would come with bodyguards to give speeches,” recalls Rosa Mélida, a 62-year-old resident, standing in the shade of a corner store. “He handed out food baskets to older people and paid to fix our houses.” As Mélida and her neighbors talk about the young mayor who became their President, they wave their hands toward the sky, gesturing at the green hills above. Bukele still lives up there, in a gated community called Los Sueños: The Dreams.
Bukele grew up in San Salvador, the fifth of 10 children of Armando Bukele Kattán, an affluent businessman and imam of [Palestinian](https://time.com/6985173/israeli-palestinian-peace-groups-grieving-essay/) descent. He attended an elite, bilingual private school, where he was shielded from the brutal civil war that devastated El Salvador during the 1980s. As the son of an outspoken Muslim cleric, he learned how to define himself as an outsider and wield snark as a weapon. In an early sign of his tendency to troll his critics, Bukele captioned himself the “class terrorist” in the high school yearbook in 1999.
Although he enrolled in college to become a lawyer, Bukele soon dropped out. He ran a nightclub, a Yamaha dealership, and a political-advertising firm before deciding it was time to jump into politics himself. He decided to run for mayor of Nuevo Cuscatlán, a small town that was looking for a candidate. Bukeles first campaign video shows a smiling 30-year-old with a starched white shirt and neatly gelled hair, promising to use his business background to transform the town into a modern “model of development.”
It was soon clear that Bukele had larger ambitions. As mayor, he donated his salary to fund high school scholarships, poured funds into construction projects, and tripled the number of security officers patrolling the streets, documenting all his exploits on [YouTube](https://time.com/6961504/youtube-ads-disinformation-india-election/). When people questioned where the money came from, he debuted what would become a trademark slogan: “Theres enough money to go around if no one steals.” (In fact, the town would go into heavy debt during his term, according to Salvadoran investigative outlet El Faro.) At that point, Bukele belonged to the left-wing Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) party, like his father. Yet he conspicuously shunned its traditional red colors and outdated revolutionary slogans. More than a decade later, the towns clinic, library, and park are still emblazoned with the peeling cyan *N* he adopted as a logo—branding that entwined Bukeles first initial with the towns. “He is allergic to anything that looks old or smells like your grandmothers closet,” says a foreign diplomat who worked with him.
In 2015, Bukele ran for mayor of San Salvador and won in a close race. He continued to promote attention-grabbing public projects, including the construction of a flashy upscale market and an effort to put lights on every corner of the capital to combat crime. Bukele posted about these moves on social media, where he amassed a following that soon eclipsed that of the countrys then President. “Hes like a cinematographer,” says a former associate. “Before he even makes a decision, hes thinking about what the end result will look like as a movie reel.” He cultivated an image of modern irreverence, often wearing a backward baseball cap, jeans, and a leather jacket. One popular image, visible on posters and magnets across El Salvador, shows him with his feet on his desk in the mayors office, sporting aviator sunglasses.
FMLN officials soon became wary of the young politicians presidential ambitions. Bukele openly criticized the partys leaders, crafting a parallel political brand with his trademark cyan symbols. His inner circle consisted of his brothers and several friends from his private-school days, all of whom have followed him into the presidency. After a series of clashes, Bukele seemed to decide he was popular enough to have outgrown the party. After one incident in 2017, in which he reportedly threw an apple at a fellow FMLN official, the group expelled him.
Within a month, Bukele had launched his own party, Nuevas Ideas, and ran in the 2019 presidential election as an antiestablishment populist. He wielded his social media machine effectively, bragging that while his opponents traveled the country he could campaign from his phone, as his media team created viral Twitter challenges and emotive ads. “It was a way to reach the population directly without going through the press filter,” he tells me. Campaigning with his pregnant wife Gabriela, a prenatal psychologist and former [ballet](https://time.com/6270676/watch-misty-copeland-wants-to-bring-the-power-of-ballet-to-a-new-generation/) dancer, Bukele offered the chance of a fresh start after decades of corrupt, unpopular governments. At age 37, he won the presidency with 53% of the vote.
![Bukele at a campaign rally in January 2019, shortly before the first round of the national election.](https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/nayib-bukele-interview-4.jpg?quality=75&w=2400)
Bukele at a campaign rally in January 2019, shortly before the first round of the national election.Oscar Rivera—AFP/Getty Images
---
**Soon the musty** red drapes and dark-paneled wood of the presidential palace were gone, replaced by gleaming cream walls with gold molding. Government social media accounts were given a facelift and began to pump out coordinated messaging. Bukele announced ambitious plans to renovate the capitals historic center and attract foreign businesses and tech investors. In his first speech before the U.N., he created a viral moment by turning around and snapping a photo: “Believe me, many more people will see that selfie than will hear this speech.” The adman wanted to project a new, modern nation that was breaking with its past.
Yet El Salvador was paralyzed by entrenched violence. Its two largest gangs, Barrio 18 and Mara Salvatrucha, or MS-13, were American imports—both formed in Los Angeles in the 1980s by civil-war refugees who were eventually deported back to El Salvador. In a country tentatively emerging from that brutal conflict, the gangs grew their ranks by forcibly conscripting young people. They controlled vast territories and forced everyone—from working-class street vendors to large companies—to pay “rent,” or extortion fees. They killed with impunity. Salvadorans were gunned down for not crossing the street, for looking a split second too long at someones sister, for simply being in the wrong place at the wrong time. 
Previous governments had used emergency powers to briefly instate *mano dura* in a limited way, including in the early 2000s to stem gang violence. Though popular, the crackdowns eventually backfired, driving gangs to regroup and change tactics. Like his predecessors, Bukele allegedly sought to broker a truce with the gangs. Early in his presidency, according to U.S. officials and audio recordings published by Salvadoran media, he cut deals that provided financial incentives to MS-13 and Barrio 18 “to ensure that incidents of gang violence and the number of confirmed homicides remained low,” according to the U.S. Treasury Department, which sanctioned two Bukele associates for their involvement in 2021. (Bukele denies this.)
At the same time, he moved to consolidate power. In February 2020, Bukele entered the national parliament, flanked by armed soldiers and police in a brazen show of force, to demand lawmakers vote on new security funding. Political opponents called it an unprecedented act of intimidation. Yet Bukele succeeded in tightening his grip on the legislature, ushering in electoral reforms that cut the number of seats from 84 to 60. In May 2021, lawmakers aligned with Bukele voted to remove El Salvadors Attorney General, who had reportedly been investigating Bukeles deals with the gangs, as well as the top judges on the countrys Supreme Court.
The move drew international condemnation, including from the [Biden Administration](https://time.com/7002596/kamala-harris-campaign-biden/). “We have deep concerns about El Salvadors democracy,” [Vice President Kamala Harris](https://time.com/7014668/harris-campaign-says-its-raised-540-million-donations-surge-dnc/) tweeted. Though privately infuriated by the rebuke, according to advisers, Bukele publicly embraced the outrage. He changed his social media bio to “worlds coolest dictator” and posted photos of soldiers helping civilians with the hashtag `#quebonitadictadura`—nice dictatorship. When international bodies raised alarms, he trolled their concerns. “Where is the dictatorship?” he tweeted when protesters demonstrating against what they saw as Bukeles unconstitutional power grab blocked the city in 2021 without government interference. “Few countries can say this: We have never repressed a demonstration,” Bukele tells me, clearly angry at what he sees as foreign double standards. “We have never used a tear-gas can or a baton.”
Bukele turned the controversy to his advantage. He began to tweet mostly in English, noticing “an interesting audience for our countrys agenda,” he says. “It was an opportunity. We found that my social media presence served as a window for investors, investment funds, banks, important figures, and politicians.”
To market his vision of a new El Salvador, Bukele still needed a modern pitch. In September 2021, he made the nation the first to [use Bitcoin as legal tender](https://time.com/6103299/bitcoin-el-salvador-nayib-bukele/), earning global headlines and the attention of the growing crypto-currency community. Bukele installed [Bitcoin](https://time.com/6967414/bitcoin-halving-countdown-event-2024/) ATMs, announced plans to build a geothermal-powered “Bitcoin city,” and boasted the move would draw foreign investment and benefit Salvadorans, many of whom lacked bank accounts or internet access, let alone digital wallets. Advisers admit it was a PR stunt. “We call it the Great Rebranding. It was genius,” says Damian Merlo, a Miami-based lobbyist. “We could have paid millions to a PR firm to rebrand El Salvador. Instead, we just adopted Bitcoin.”
As policy, the gimmick has flopped. Investing some of El Salvadors national reserves into crypto was not well received by many foreign investors or the International Monetary Fund. Today Bukele concedes that Bitcoin “has not had the widespread adoption we hoped” among ordinary Salvadorans. Fewer than 12% have made a single transaction. But the move had the desired effect, putting El Salvador on the map for something other than its violence. “It gave us branding, it brought us investments, it brought us tourism,” says Bukele.
---
**Amid the [bitcoin](https://time.com/6999569/crypto-trump-vance-project-2025/) hype,** however, the alleged secret truce with the gangs fell apart. In March 2022, more than 87 people were murdered in a single weekend, the deadliest killing spree since the end of the civil war. One of the victims, later identified as a local surf instructor with no known gang ties, was left on the highway to Bitcoin Beach, hands and feet bound, a bullet wound in his head. It was a clear message to Bukele from the gangs, and an inflection point for the young President.
Bukeles response was to implement a new, aggressive *mano dura.* He declared a 30-day “state of exception,” restricting free assembly and permitting arrests without warrants and detention without trial. The military surged into gang-controlled areas. Police barged into homes and strip-searched residents. Suspected gang members or collaborators were arrested at school, at work, on the street. “We were arresting more than 1,000 people per day,” says René Merino, the Defense Minister, who downplays the militarys role in the effort. “We had to do it in a way where the medicine would not be worse than the sickness.”
![Bukele with new military recruits in April 2022, shortly after the “state of exception” began.](https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/nayib-bukele-interview-3.jpg?quality=75&w=2400)
Bukele with new military recruits in April 2022, shortly after the “state of exception” began.Camilo Freedman—picture-alliance/dpa/AP
The police advertised a hotline to “bring more terrorists to justice.” By dialing 123, Salvadorans could anonymously report anyone they suspected of having links to gangs. In the swirling atmosphere of fear, however, it was often hard to separate violent criminals from innocent teenagers with rock-band tattoos, or clothing or colors associated with gangs, according to local defense attorneys. Some people denounced business rivals or called in neighbors to settle petty scores. Salvadoran security forces, under pressure from superiors to meet hefty arrest quotas, were happy to carry out the often indiscriminate sweeps. “If they didnt find the person they were looking for, they would just arrest whoever was at home,” says Alejandro Díaz Gómez, a lawyer with local human-rights group Tutela, citing videos filmed by family members. (Bukele officials say that 7,000 people have been freed owing to lack of evidence.)
The approach succeeded at curbing the rampant [violence](https://time.com/6140352/el-salvador-pegasus-hack-journalists/). Homicides in El Salvador dropped by half in 2022 and more than 70% in 2023, according to government data. “It was an overwhelming victory,” says Bukele. “We were fighting an irregular army of 70,000 men and suffered no civilian casualties.” Jails filled with gang members and suspected associates; the population of the countrys largest prison, designed to hold 10,000, swelled to more than three times that number.
Next Bukele built the Centro de Contenimiento del Terrorismo, or CECOT, a sprawling detention facility that could house 40,000 more inmates. In slick videos set to upbeat music, Bukeles government advertised the prisons spartan conditions. Meals were reduced to two a day, prisoners slept on bare metal slats, and inmates were stripped to their underwear and frog-marched through corridors. Under previous governments, “there used to be YouTube videos posted by gangs showing them in prison with prostitutes, strippers, parties, drugs,” Bukele says. The images of the brutal crackdown became an unlikely sensation, making El Salvadors President the most-followed world leader on TikTok. He issued a public warning that if the gangs moved to retaliate, “I swear to God they wont eat a grain of rice, and well see how long they last.”
**Read More:** *[Inside a Prison Cell for Gay Former Gang Members in El Salvador](https://time.com/5936075/el-salvador-gangs-unforgivable-documentary/)*
Salvadoran and international human-rights groups have accused the government of a range of abuses, including forced disappearances, torture, deaths in custody, and targeting poor and marginalized communities. Bukele scoffs at the allegations. The roughly 140 prisoners who have died in Salvadoran prisons per year during the state of exception amount to “an incredibly low mortality rate by [Latin American](https://time.com/6270952/latin-american-leaders-tiktok/) standards,” he says, “indeed lower than the U.S.” He questions the focus on conditions in El Salvadors prisons compared with those in notorious jails in neighboring countries. “How can I ask the Salvadoran people, who often have modest meals like beans and tortillas for dinner, to pay taxes to provide meat and chicken to prisoners who have killed their family members?” he asks.
Salvadoran officials say the punitive approach is part of the Bukele governments appeal. “There are 660 million Latin Americans who are seeing what is possible with clear common-sense criminal procedures,” says Security Minister Gustavo Villatoro, whose office features a large screen depicting the location of every police car in the country, with different dashboards to keep track of reported crime. Villatoro says that the government “studied the enemy, like in any war.” He shows me a 90-page handbook cataloging gang tattoos, graffiti, and slang to identify suspects affiliations. If Bukele “hadnt had the courage to send the hypocritical international groups to hell, we would have fallen into the same mistake that the six former Presidents made,” he says. Those predecessors had faltered in seeing through the draconian measures required to root out the gangs, Villatoro argues, whereas Bukele had persevered. “There are many priests,” Villatoro adds, “but few are exorcists.” 
After his allies removed Supreme Court judges and replaced them with supporters who reinterpreted the Constitution in his favor, Bukele decided to run for a second term in spite of a pre-existing ban. In February, he won a landslide victory, with 84% of the vote. Nuevas Ideas, a party that did not exist six years ago, won 54 of the nations 60 congressional seats. El Salvador had effectively become a one-party state, controlled by a single man.
Bukele insists his consolidation of power has been “100% democratic.” If other world leaders arent able to get such results, he argues, thats on them: “Were not going to artificially grant half of the Congress to the opposition just to say that we are a democracy.” Other heads of state, he suggests, would use any means necessary to achieve the transformation El Salvador has. “Their failure,” says Bukele, “cant be our road map.” 
![A mural of Bukeles face in the Zacamil neighborhood of San Salvador.](https://api.time.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/nayib-bukele-interview-5.jpg?quality=75&w=2400)
A mural of Bukeles face in the Zacamil neighborhood of San Salvador.Fred Ramos—The New York Times/Redux
---
**Bukeles second inauguration** in early June was a far cry from his first. A parade of high-level political figures made the trek to San Salvador, including King Felipe VI of Spain, regional leaders, more than a dozen U.S. officials and lawmakers, [Donald Trump Jr.](https://time.com/7000815/donald-trump-family-children-grandchildren-spouses-succession/), and [Tucker Carlson](https://time.com/6278474/tucker-carlson-show-twitter/). “It was the hottest ticket in the Americas,” says Merlo, Bukeles U.S. lobbyist. Bukele arranged a dramatic spectacle, designing new capes for the military guard and sporting a striking suit with a stiff, gold-embroidered collar and cuffs that evoked a cross between Latin American revolutionary war heroes and *Star Wars.* Visitors were ushered into the best restaurants, shown the gleaming new Google regional offices, and taken to the renovated historic center at night to showcase the countrys safety.
Bukele casts himself as an independent operator, but he has conspicuously cultivated ties to the American right. Though he came up in a left-wing party, “the left has lost its way across the world,” says Bukele. “It has a serious identity crisis, and the right is at least setting a course.” Bukele, who speaks English fluently, has given two rare interviews to Carlson and spoken at the Heritage Foundation and Conservative Political Action Conference. His tweets use tropes common in right-wing online circles. Bukele has baselessly accused the billionaire philanthropist George Soros of funding journalists who write critically about him, one of the reasons he says he has stopped speaking to the press. “At least state propaganda openly acknowledges its propaganda,” he says. “When we put out a video spot, no ones hiding that its propaganda.” 
In recent months, he has invited Carlson and Florida Representative Matt Gaetz to spend the weekend at his lakeside retreat, staying up into the early morning discussing everything from politics to AI, according to advisers. Gaetz, a [Trump](https://time.com/7001912/kamala-harris-donald-trump/) acolyte who has recently visited El Salvador several times and posed for photos at the CECOT prison, says he considers Bukele a “kindred spirit” and an inspiration to the Western world. “He sees himself as a liberator, not an authoritarian,” Gaetz tells TIME. “Sometimes, to solve third-world problems, you need some third-world solutions.”
In July, Gaetz led the launch of a bipartisan El Salvador caucus in Congress which includes several Democrats, including Representative Lou Correa of California. “Whether you agree with his methods or not, he has brought peace to his people,” Correa tells me. “His popularity among the *Salvadoreños* in my district is unbelievable,” he says. “They love the guy. My job is to work with him.” 
Even the Biden Administration has softened its previous criticism. In 2021, the U.S. Treasury Department had sanctioned some of Bukeles top officials for covert negotiations with the gangs and “multiple-ministry, multi-million dollar corruption,” and U.S. officials criticized his moves as antidemocratic. For his second inauguration, the Administration dispatched Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas to attend, a marker of his growing clout. Its clear that Bukele feels vindicated. When it comes to his controversial policies, “suddenly its better to embrace them \[...\] and try not to fight against something that is too popular, not just in El Salvador but throughout all of Latin America,” he tells me. 
Privately, U.S. diplomats agree. There is little to be gained by feuding with a leader with overwhelming popular support, they say. Its more valuable to keep an open line, especially since they need El Salvadors help to stem migration to Americas southern border and are seeking ways to counter Chinese influence in the region. Under [Xi Jinping](https://time.com/6974353/what-xi-jinping-really-thinks/), China has invested $500 million in infrastructure projects in El Salvador, including a huge futuristic library that now flies the Chinese flag in front of the countrys National Palace and main cathedral.
At the same time, U.S. officials and international pro-democracy groups worry *Bukelismo* is catching on in the region. Political parties in Honduras, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, and Argentina have incorporated the Salvadoran Presidents name into their platforms and echoed his tough-on-crime language. Argentine Security Minister Patricia Bullrich recently spent four days in the country learning about the “Bukele model” and signing a cooperation agreement. Citing Bukeles example, Honduras has announced plans to build an emergency megaprison for 20,000, and Ecuadorean President Daniel Noboa has declared an unprecedented state of “internal armed conflict” to crack down on criminal gangs.
But the long-term success of the “Bukele model” is far from certain. The security gains wont guarantee long-term stability without a plan to keep the next generation from relapsing into a cycle of violence, Salvadoran officials and analysts say. Mass arrests have left more than 40,000 children without one or both parents. While military and police budgets have ballooned, funding for victim-care programs amounts to less than 1% of the security budget, says David Morales, the chief legal officer of Cristosal, a Salvadoran human-rights group. The state of exception, which has been renewed 29 times, “has now become permanent, and victims have been totally abandoned,” he says. “An autocracy has now been installed in El Salvador with a great human cost.” Bukele officials say they are seeking to make the current policies “irreversible” through a series of legal reforms. Then, Bukele tells TIME, he hopes to lift the state of exception and “return to normal constitutional processes and maintain the peace weve achieved.”
Security has also come at a steep financial cost for El Salvador. Under Bukele, its public debt has skyrocketed to more than $30 billion, or 84% of the countrys gross domestic product. The economy remains anemic. “Bukele has built a house of cards, because its an incredibly expensive security policy,” says Christine Wade, an El Salvador expert at Washington College in Maryland. “Its not financially sustainable, and his future will depend on his ability to address that.” More than a quarter of the country still lives in poverty, and remittances from Salvadorans abroad amount to the equivalent of 20% of its GDP. Bukele needs a deal with the IMF to regain access to international markets and finance its debt, says Will Freeman, a fellow of Latin American studies at the Council on Foreign Relations. One stumbling block has been the Bitcoin gamble; another is the lack of budgetary transparency by his government, which has hidden its spending and contracting from public view. “Bukele has been very resistant to it,” Freeman suggests, because it could reveal corruption. But if El Salvador is left to face a brutal fiscal adjustment on its own, he adds, “that will be the big moment when we test how deep his popularity runs.”
For now, Bukeles support remains unshakable among ordinary Salvadorans, including many who have family members in prison. Anyone who did not live through the terror of life under the gangs will never understand how much things have changed, says Alvaro Rodriguez, a 39-year-old taxi driver. “Thanks to Bukele, the most dangerous thing here are these pigeons,” he says, gesturing at a plaza in downtown San Salvador that citizens used to have to pay gang members to enter. 
Which is why Merino, the Defense Minister, believes the government has a mandate to continue *mano dura.* “No matter how much these human-rights groups cry and complain about the state of emergency, people here are much freer than in countries where there isnt a state of exception,” he says. “Once you have the support of the population, there is nothing to stop us.”
No one, including Bukele, knows how El Salvadors experiment will end. While he rules out running for a third term, he knows what happens to Latin American strongmen when they leave office. Three of his predecessors have been arrested or indicted. But for the former adman, its all part of a narrative: Bukele the Messiah. “I used to be the safest person in the country, I had bodyguards and armored cars,” he says, gesturing with his arms in our interview in his office. “Now the country has safety but I do not. I traded my security for that of the Salvadoran public.” He pauses. “As I said,” he adds, “everything in life has a cost.” —*With reporting by Simmone Shah*
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# How to Make Millions as a Professional Whistleblower
*This story was featured in The Must Read, a newsletter in which our editors recommend one cant-miss story every weekday. [Sign up here to get it in your inbox.](https://www.gq.com/newsletter/subscribe?newsletterId=249017&sourcecode=articleCTA)*
**Its a Saturday** in a well-appointed room in a luxury hotel in a major American city and a man named Richard Overum has just escorted me from the lobby to brief me on my new identity. My directive: Embody a high roller. A man capable of signing a check for millions of dollars at a moments notice. And, most important, a man looking to make an investment. I need to look perfect, Overum explains. Because tonight, Ill be shadowing him on a sting.
Richard Overum is not a member of law enforcement or a government official. Hes something else: a rarefied practitioner in a line of work hes all but created for himself. He hunts businesspeople he suspects are breaking the law—a job that by virtue of oft-overlooked sections of federal law can end up paying remarkably well. Tucked into the Dodd-Frank Act, which Congress passed in the wake of the Bernie Madoff scandal and the economic calamity of the late aughts, are provisions meant to encourage people who spot signs of potential financial wrongdoing to come to the government with information. The incentive? If the agencies take enforcement action based on a tip resulting in sanctions in excess of $1 million, the law says, one or more whistleblowers can earn an award equal to 10 to 30 percent of whats collected.
Whistleblower programs were established at the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) to manage and investigate tips, and the calculus for awards depends on multiple factors, including the value of the information in making the case. But the payouts can be enormous. Recent cases have rewarded SEC whistleblowers with $29 million, $38 million, and $104 million. Last year, the SEC cut its biggest check yet, issuing a payout of $279 million to one tipster who reportedly aided in a bribery case involving the Swedish telecom Ericsson that resulted in a more-than-billion-dollar settlement.
Between the start of the program in 2011 and the end of fiscal year 2023, the SEC has levied more than $6 billion in sanctions, and paid out close to $2 billion to whistleblowers. Overums share? Tens of millions, he says, between funds collected and those still pending.
The evidence he passes to whistleblower programs he gathers primarily by going undercover—persuading a would-be fraudster to reveal signs of a scheme by posing as a potential investor interested in getting in on the action. Thats why Overum and I have met in this hotel tonight: so I can join him for a meeting with someone hes investigating.
For some time now, Overum has been compiling intel on Mike King, a real estate developer whose seemingly ostentatious lifestyle and possibly deceptive business practices have raised Overums suspicions. And so, under an assumed name, Overum has approached King about making an investment with him—a covert attempt at soliciting more information about his assets, and maybe uncovering signs of a potential fraud. Theyve been texting and chatting about the possibility of getting into business together, and tonight have decided to continue discussions in person. Overum has permitted me to watch him work, but theres a catch: In order to not blow his cover, Ill need to be undercover too. I have to play one of his business partners—another potential investor.
Of course, knowing my part isnt enough. I have to look it: For Overum, sartorial embellishment is another part of the tradecraft. In the days prior, Id cobbled together my nicest pair of jeans, a tailored button--down shirt that was gifted to me 10 years ago, and Id even gotten my shoes shined at the airport on the way in. But I needed something more.
“Have a seat,” Overum tells me as he unzips a black backpack and produces two high-end watches. “This is an Omega Speedmaster Dark Side of the Moon, and this one is a Zenith Defy Classic,” he says. “See which one fits.”
I slip one on. “It looks great,” Overum says. “Youll do great.”
“Are you nervous?” he asks.
“Yes,” I admit.
But as I look at Overum, he seems self--possessed—poised, almost. Its as if all this—meeting King under a fake identity, preparing to expound at-length upon a business opportunity he has no real intention in investing in—is just another day at the office. And thats probably because it is.
“Okay,” he says as we prepare to leave the hotel room. “Time to go to work.”
---
**I havent told** you what Overum looks like. Or where he lives. Im not going to tell you what kind of car he drives or what teams he roots for. Thats because Ive agreed to withhold key identifying details. “I want to keep doing this for as long as I can, so its very important that certain things about me remain a secret,” he tells me. “If you try looking me up on the internet right now, you wont find a thing.”
What I can tell you about Richard Overum is that his name is not Richard Overum—thats the kind of alias he might use in the field. “Richard Overum is a play on dick over them,’ ” he tells me. While we were together, Overum used another alias, a moniker that I cant reveal because hes currently using it in yet another case. But I can tell you that its also phallic.
“So are your aliases all dick jokes?” I ask him.
He chuckles. “Thats right.” (Though not a dick joke, “Mike King” is also a pseudonym.)
Overums sense of humor—often childish—helps him add levity to his day-to-day, which is otherwise earnest and sometimes dangerous. Hes been working as a professional whistleblower for over a decade now, zigzagging the country to cozy up to suspects that he charms and cajoles with cunning, lies, and manipulation in order to coax from them the blueprints for any number of white--collar scams, from Ponzi schemes to prime bank frauds. As a motivator, the cash that he might collect is never far from Overums mind.
Back when it was instituted, in the post-Madoff era, the whistleblower programs were meant to bolster enforcement at underresourced government agencies. Authorities at the SEC and CFTC would now have help in the form of newly incentivized citizens. And in the most general sense, the program has worked as intended: In fiscal year 2023, the SEC received over 18,000 tips, and awarded nearly $600 million to 68 individual whistleblowers.
The vast majority of people providing tips to whistleblower programs do so only once in their life. They are not—as Overum is—repeat customers. Over the course of his career, Overum says that his tips, which can include hundreds of pages of evidence, have led to various regulatory agencies, including the SEC, taking action approximately 90 times. (An SEC spokesperson declined to comment on Overums claim, citing agency policy to not remark on “the existence or nonexistence of a possible whistleblower submission.”)
You may be wondering why someone who has such a great thing going would risk blowing it all up to talk to a journalist for a magazine story. That is, why go to such lengths—with the aliases and fancy clothes and watches, the anonymity, all the efforts to obscure his identity in my reporting—only to talk so openly about his process? Well, Overum says, he suspects his identity could be exposed one day, and it might only be a matter of time. There might only be so many whistles to blow before Richard Overum could be forced into the light. Giving up on this line of work is a nonstarter, so hes got other plans in that event—training up a whole new corps of whistleblowers to follow in his footsteps, to start. So talking to me is a call to arms. Everyone, he says, should know about this program. And everyone should know where to find him.
At this point, leads reach Overum in a variety of ways. He has worked with a number of lawyers who specialize in representing whistle-blowers and who often point Overum in the direction of a potential target. “Sometimes its employees of companies who see a problem but arent comfortable being a whistleblower,” he says. “Sometimes its from somebody who just has a bad feeling about somebody and what theyre doing.”
Overum has also created an email tip line that he operates (activistwhistleblowers@proton.me), spreading it through his network of lawyers and confidants. Lately, hes been looking for potential targets on social media. If he sees people posing on Instagram with yachts, say, or cars that cost hundreds of thousands of dollars, while also trying to raise money, he says, bells immediately go off. “They just seem too good to be true,” says Overum. He notes that he peruses so many accounts focused on ostentatious living that his algorithm is now flooded with images of absolutely over-the-top lifestyles—themselves worthy of further investigation. “Ive found so many leads this way.”
Lawmakers might have been hoping to incentivize employees who stumble across signs of fraud to speak up, but theyve also birthed a burgeoning cottage industry—professionals whose careers are built around whistleblower payouts. Supporting tipsters like Overum are private attorneys who specialize in presenting whistleblower evidence to the agencies, and making the case that they should investigate. In some instances, there are even firms who finance whistleblowers, taking a portion of awards when theyre earned. And so the nascent industrialization of whistleblowing has begun to draw criticism from some observers who wonder whether the systems intentions have been warped—if funds originally meant to support an army of citizen whistleblowers are increasingly funneling into the pockets of a small cadre of experts.
But as long as hes able, Overum will keep blowing the whistle, sometimes pursuing as many as a dozen cases at once. By this point, hes got a process: Overum pores over financial and legal information; he hunts for aliases and bankruptcies and business setbacks. When investigations advance to a stage where he needs to interact with a target, Overum will often pose as a would-be investor. Selecting the right assumed identity for any given subject also takes work. Overum spends hours analyzing the subject, trawling through their social media or listening to any podcasts they might have done. “I need to build a psychological profile,” he says. “I need to find out whats going to motivate them.”
Regardless of the choice, the character needs to feel lived-in, and Overum has to be prepared to speak with a high degree of expertise in any number of fields. “A lot of what I do is Method acting,” says Overum. “I have to understand what my profession is in order to be able to go 20 minutes deep on whatever it is I say Im doing. And I need to study that role so that I can play that character.”
Outreach typically begins with a call: Overum is trying to pull information that might be incriminating and also build rapport. Flattery and empathy take you far, Overum notes. And one big thing hes learned over the years is to act somewhat naive. “Not being able to understand what theyre saying has allowed me to rephrase questions over and over until I get the answer from them that Im looking for,” he says. “The incriminating answer.”
In between calls, there are always text messages. Its rare, Overum says, that youll go long without hearing from a target that turns out to be running a scam. “They always need money,” he says. “Theyre always running short on cash.”
Damning information, Overum says, is surprisingly easy to tease out of a conversation. Nobody expects to meet with a would-be whistleblower. “Their guard is down because they think Im an investor. Im like an undercover cop in a world where undercover cops dont exist.”
Over the years, hes honed a very particular skill set that has brought him into the confidences of a litany of potential lawbreakers—brazen businesspeople who often think, at first, that they are getting one over on Richard Overum.
Generally, its the other way around. But slipups do happen. And even one misstep can threaten a case. A few years back, while driving his car, Overum was on the phone speaking with a subject. The man asked who had referred Overum to him; Overum dropped a name. The man on the phone responded: “Thats funny. I just hired that person. Hes never heard of you before.” Overum finished up the call and pulled over to the side of the road. He was so angry at himself that he got out of the car and smashed the burner phone hed been using to pieces with his foot. He learned from that experience: Dont ever say something to a possible scammer unless youre absolutely sure that it wont come back to bite you.
The job takes on a whole different level of danger during in-person meetings, Overum says, which are nonetheless necessary in order to “further put people at ease” and coax the most damning information out of them. In these cases, he needs to look the part, so his closet is full of custom-made suits and designer shoes. His own natural interest in watches comes in handy on a job.
So too does a certain amount of courage. Several times, Overum says, he has met with targets who were armed. Once he headed down South to meet with somebody he suspected of running a scam. The man was ex-military and arrived at their meeting at a restaurant with a pistol holstered on his waist. While they ate and spoke about an investment opportunity, the man sprinkled anecdotes of wartime exploits into the conversation in a way that unnerved Overum. He found the experience unsettling, but, over the years, hes learned to maintain his composure. “When I was first going undercover, I would get back to my car and throw up.” These days, he relaxes by listening to metal bands (Tool and Nine Inch Nails are favorites) and playing video games like The Last of Us.
“And before Im about to meet with a potential scammer, Ill meditate for 30 minutes or Ill jump on Zoom with my therapist,” he tells me. “After that, Im in kill mode.”
---
**Overum had first** been tipped off on King, the real estate developer, by one of his attorneys. And because his initial research showed signs of lavish living, like opulent houses and high-end cars—perhaps a red flag, but nothing illegal—he would have to get closer.
Overum decided to approach King as a potential investor, posing as a well-heeled businessman looking to park some money. He called King to introduce his character and let him know he was interested in meeting. Not long after that, Overum visited Kings office, noticing more than one luxury automobile on the premises.
In that first meeting, King would regale Overum with stories of his experience as a developer and describe a number of different investment opportunities that, Overum thought, seemed too good to be true. Time and time again, he seemed to be telling Overum that, if these projects went as planned, he could expect a handsome return on his investment, all with apparently little associated risk.
One opportunity stuck out to Overum: land that King was preparing to develop. For the project, he had told Overum, he would need to raise millions of dollars in just a short period of time. The amount of money and the urgency of the timeline seemed odd to Overum. “Somebody with that much experience, somebody who has done all the things hes claimed to do, shouldnt need an investor to ensure a project goes off,” Overum told me. Something strange was going on here, Overum was pretty sure.
It would be important for Overum to continue growing the relationship, determining what additional information he could draw out by posing as a potential investor. King proposed they meet again, this time at a luxury hotel, for some fun followed by business.
When Overum agreed to let me shadow him that night, I watched him deftly channel his character, staying vigilant for all manner of speed bumps that might have spoiled the plot. The emergence of high-definition cameras on cell phones, for instance, is a major peril to undercover work. I took note of Overum ducking away at several points to avoid winding up in the background of someones photo.
To do this work well requires internalizing this paranoid hypervigilance, while still exhibiting a graceful self-confidence. Managing these contradictions, I quickly learned, isnt easy. When, that night at the hotel, someone asked how Overum and I knew each other—a question Id even been preparing to answer—I froze. Was I going to blow Overums cover on a simple introduction? Expertly and casually, Overum jumped in and described us as old friends, pivoting the conversation to safe territory.
Watching Overum in the white--marble-floored hotel foyer was to see someone uncommonly poised, and clearly in his element. Over the background din, I heard him speak about his supposed line of business with a level of expertise normally reserved for real industry veterans. At once, he was fully in character—but also, seemingly, fully himself.
Later that night, after leaving King behind, I asked Overum if anything King had told him might be incriminating. Overum told me that his claims will prove interesting only after he keeps digging and determines whether theyre real or not. “If he was lying to us about anything, then yes,” said Overum. “You cant misrepresent your wealth or assets to potential investors. Thats fraud.”
---
**It was more** than just that financially tantalizing quirk of the federal whistleblower law that drew Overum toward this line of work. His own family had been rocked by fraud, he says. While Overum was still quite young, he explains, his father made a devastating investment. The details were always fuzzy, but the event cast a long and profound shadow. “It was a scam,” Overum says, succinctly. “My father lost everything.” He suffered too: His family moved around a lot in the wake of the incident, and Overum says he turned to alcohol and drugs as a teenager.
In his 20s, Overum began working in sales. “I learned how to read and react to peoples body language,” he says. “I learned peoples tells and how to capitalize on them.”
During this time, Overum would obsess over the impression he could make on people, even practicing his smile in front of a mirror. Like an athlete, he studied filmed interactions of himself making sales pitches, and hunted for ways to improve his performance. In some ways he never really left sales. “Im selling this fictionalized version of myself,” he says of his work now, “and it all hinges on the story.”
Overums journey to becoming a professional whistleblower began in 2011, when someone he was close to told him about a problem at work. He had been hired as a contract worker but felt that he was required to perform tasks reserved for full-time employees. This offended Overums sense of right and wrong, and he began to strategize how he might lodge a complaint with a regulatory agency.
He says he presented a state agency with a plan to investigate: Hed pose as a job applicant. If he was offered a part-time gig with full-time requirements, he figured hed have the evidence to support his associates claim. Sure enough, says Overum, the ruse led to an offer of contract work—one that he says contained stipulations around work hours, wardrobe, and travel that could legally be required only of full-time employees.
Overum says the staff at the agency told him they were impressed with his work. So much so that one employee made an interesting suggestion: Why not file his complaint with the federal government? “Do you know about this new whistleblower program?” he says that they asked. “You could make some money off this.”
He wasnt aware of the program, but he was intrigued. He filed the case, he says, with the IRS, which also maintains its own whistleblower program. It occurred to him that “whistle-blower” didnt have to be a one-off role—that it could be something more like a job. A calling, even. “I thought, What if I quit my job and just start filing reports on these companies?” he says. The numbers seemed to make almost too much sense. “In one of these cases, I figured the government could haul $80 million,” he says. “That means I could make more than $10 million on the reward. When I realized I could do this for a living—that I could go after the same kind of crooks that fucked up my childhood—and get paid for it? How could I say no to that?”
Overum says he used the same tactics hed first employed—posing as somebody looking for a job—to secure evidence against about 30 more companies. But he started to recognize some of the inherent challenges in this covert line of work. First of all, he was constantly busy, often researching case law. “Im not a lawyer, but I was spending months building out cases to support these tips,” he says. “That wore on me.” Plus, there was a cash flow problem. After around three years, his cases were still inching through the regulatory agencies. By that point, he says, hed been paid only one award. “It could take seven to 10 years, in some cases, to get a payout,” he says. “That wasnt sustainable.”
He stepped away, finding a job in finance—but he always found himself analyzing deals he was working on for potential fraud. “I was missing the thrill of the chase,” Overum says. “I really realized that I was an investigator at heart.” A few years passed, and one day Overum says he got a call from Washington, DC. An employee at the Federal Trade Commission, he says, wanted to discuss the ins and outs of a particular fraud scheme that Overum knew well. The conversation reignited his interest in hunting these cases. But to make it work, Overum would need to rely on a different system—and some partners.
Overum discovered the lawyer Mark Pugsley, an expert in securities law who had recently represented a whistleblower who would help to unravel a $500 millionplus tax-credit-fraud scheme. Pugsley had worked with dozens of whistleblowers, in the process becoming a magnet for leads on prospective cases. He was instantly impressed with Overum, he told me. “He has a very strong sense of whats right and whats wrong,” says Pugsley. “But I also saw that hes a guy who has big balls. Somebody who could go into situations that could be potentially difficult and, because hes a good talker, he can talk people into giving him information. He also worked in finance, so he sort of knew the language of investing.”
Since Overum connected with Pugsley, the lawyers firm has fed him dozens of tips and helped him with various operations, including with his part in one particularly cinematic investigation. Overum enticed marketers of what the government has alleged was a nearly $500 million Ponzi scheme to board a rented private jet loaded with surveillance equipment so that he could record their conversation and later submit it to authorities—a case that eventually made headlines when FBI agents fired shots during a raid two years ago.
To address some of his other concerns, Overum enlisted the help of a New Yorkbased firm that specializes in financing litigation. The company could provide Overum with money up front, and, when Overum won a whistleblower award, hed pay them back a negotiated fee. This would allow Overum to cover surveillance equipment, burner phones, and other expenses, and, most important, not have to worry about when money was coming in.
One of the firms managing directors told me that his organization was thrilled by the chance to get into business with Overum. “Because he had a track record of success with these cases, we believed in him and saw him as a good investment,” he says. “I was happy to give him as much money as he needed, because were confident well see a healthy return.”
In the year since Id met Overum, in April 2023, his work, he tells me, had resulted in various raids, arrests, asset freezes, temporary restraining orders, receiverships, and whistle-blower awards. “It goes without saying that Ive been busy,” Overum says.
By June of this year, he felt his report on Mike King was ready to be filed. Of course, he hadnt made any investment with the developer—Overum had been stringing him along with a variety of delay tactics. Each time the rubber met the road to cough up some cash, Overum had a new ready-made excuse as to why that wasnt the right time for him to jump in.
All the while, Overum was doing whatever he could to extract information. Overum says that King sent him documents that Overum believes, based on his own research, misrepresented the value of Kings assets. Overum—playing the part of a prospective investor—says that King was painting for him a deceptive financial picture of his business, as well as his track record and certifications. As their conversations had worn on, King proposed various investment opportunities to Overum—each with provisions that Overum found head-scratching.
“The numbers he was throwing out made no sense,” says Overum. “This follows \[his\] pattern of making grand promises that seem to fall apart once documents are provided.” Overum was convinced that he and Pugsley could make a case to the government that the developer was operating outside of the law. As of this summer, they were strategizing about the most advantageous way to file the report and how to most effectively present the evidence Overum had gathered—that is, trying to figure out how to get their hoped-for reward (to say nothing of justice) as quickly as possible.
His work on this case might not necessarily satisfy critics who worry about an industry developing around whistleblower payouts. But Overum remains focused on the bottom line. “The simple fact is that whistleblower programs work,” he says. “If whistleblowers are financially motivated, theyre going to do a better job making sure their information is correct so that they can win an award one day.”
Overum figures hell eventually stop receiving government payouts—but not because the government will eliminate whistleblower programs. Its because he suspects that his identity might eventually be revealed. Its an outcome he dreads. But hes already developing a contingency plan that wont require him to work in quite the same way. Instead of taking on the cases all by himself, hes imagining a sort of school to further expand the number of trained whistle-blowers, a venture that will also require more lawyers expert in securities law. “I want to teach an army of people how to do this and send them off on stings,” he says.
But Overum is also operating with another sort of ticking clock in mind: The sooner he can find and expose a fraud, he can prevent more and more people from being preyed upon. And those whove already fallen victim can get an earlier start on the road to being made whole.
“In every single fraud weve exposed, the victims would never have seen a dime back if not for our efforts,” Overum points out. Altruism, in this world, doesnt always come for free. “Obviously,” he says, “none of us would be in this if there wasnt a financial incentive.”
**Gordy Megroz** *is a journalist based in Colorado.*
*A version of this story originally appeared in the September 2024 issue of GQ with the title “How to Make a Fortune as a Professional Whistleblower”*
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Link: https://www.propublica.org/article/telegram-pavel-durov-arrest-domestic-terrorism-extremism
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Read:: [[2024-09-07]]
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# The Accelerationists App: How Telegram Became the “Center of Gravity” for a New Breed of Domestic Terrorists
In late December, a 26-year-old construction worker in Sarasota County, Florida, used his phone to send a flurry of ominous online posts.
Alexander Lightner, tapping away on his Samsung Galaxy, announced his intention to commit mass murder, according to federal court records. He used the coded language of a new breed of neo-Nazis who call themselves Accelerationists. Lightner wrote that he planned to become a “saint” — the term followers use for someone who advances their racist cause through lethal acts of terror — and to set a new “Highscore,” or death toll.
Lightner launched what federal prosecutors allege were threats on Telegram, the sprawling, no-holds-barred platform that has become a hive for the movement. Accelerationists aim to speed the collapse of modern civilization and create a white ethno-state from the ashes of todays democracies. Deep in the chatter of the platforms roughly 900 million users, these extremists have created a constellation of Telegram channels where they encourage followers like Lightner to assassinate political leaders, sabotage power stations and railways, and commit mass murder.
A week after firing off his alleged threats on Telegram, Lightner woke up from a nap at his home to his fathers shouts: “Whoa, whoa, whoa. Whats this? Are these people here for us?”
Lightner threw an illegal, homemade silencer into a laundry basket, according to a summary of his interview with federal agents. Then he stepped into the sunlight. In his front yard, agents in camouflage and body armor pointed rifles at him. An armored vehicle faced his family home, its massive battering ram aimed at the front door.
An FBI agent asked Lightner if he knew why federal agents were at his door.
Lightner answered simply: “Telegram,” according to court records.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/telegram-extremists-arrest_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=449&q=75&w=800&s=7caba5181d452d096d898338d84a9d9d)
FBI bodycam video shows Alexander Lightners arrest at his Florida home. Credit: Obtained by ProPublica
Late last month, Telegram burst into the news with another arrest related to alleged criminal activity on the giant messaging and social media platform. This time, the man in police custody was the companys founder, Pavel Durov. French authorities detained the Russian-born billionaire after his plane touched down at an airport a few miles north of Paris.
French prosecutors issued preliminary charges against Durov last Wednesday related to alleged criminal activity on his platform. The allegations include organized fraud, drug trafficking and possession of pornographic images of minors, as well as refusal to cooperate with authorities, according to a press release by the Paris public prosecutor.
David-Olivier Kaminski, a lawyer for Durov, could not be reached for comment. French news reports quoted him saying that it was “totally absurd to think that the person in charge of a social network could be implicated in criminal acts that dont concern him, directly or indirectly.”
The platform Durov created has long been both applauded and derided for its extreme commitment to free speech and for rebuffing inquiries from both U.S. and foreign law enforcement agencies, which have sought to gather information about alleged criminal activity on the platform.
“They are exceedingly unhelpful,” said Rebecca Weiner, the New York Police Departments deputy commissioner of intelligence and counterterrorism. Weiner, who oversees one of the worlds largest metropolitan counterterrorism units, said the platform was notable for “being a center of gravity for a wide range of extremist content” and for its “unwillingness to work with law enforcement.”
Telegrams ease of use, its huge public channels and the ability to encrypt private conversations have helped fuel its global appeal. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky used the app to rally his compatriots to repel the Russian invasion. Activists in Hong Kong turned to Telegram to organize demonstrations against a repressive law. In Belarus, pro-democracy forces used the platform to fight back against election fraud.
But the platform has also served as the online home of the Russian mercenary company Wagner Group, which has posted gruesome videos of extrajudicial killings. In April, the British government targeted the Terrorgram Collective, a subset of Telegram users who promote racially and ethnically motivated terrorism to people like Lightner, making it a crime to support or belong to the group. And more recently, the service played a key role in fomenting the anti-immigrant riots that swept across the United Kingdom.
ProPublica and FRONTLINE have been investigating Telegrams role in a string of recent alleged far-right acts of sabotage and murder, and how the companys inaction allowed extremists to plan and even advertise their crimes. Researchers have long warned that Telegram routinely allows extremists to share propaganda aimed at inciting violence, noting that the Islamic State group and al-Qaida were able to use the service for years with little interference.
“Telegram plays a key role in the perpetuation of militant accelerationism,” said Michael Loadenthal, a research professor at the University of Cincinnati and director of the Prosecution Project, which tracks felony cases involving political violence in the U.S. The company, he said, “has shown that deplatforming violent and hateful content is not its priority.”
Before Durovs arrest, a Telegram spokesperson responded to questions from ProPublica and FRONTLINE in messages on the platform. The spokesperson said that the company bars users from calling for acts of violence, adding that moderators remove millions of pieces of harmful content from the platform every day. “As Telegram grows, it will continue to solve potential moderation problems with efficiency, innovation and respect for privacy and free speech,” the spokesperson, who used the name Remi Vaughn, said in the messages.
![](https://img.assets-d.propublica.org/v5/images/GettyImages-2167947870_preview_maxWidth_3000_maxHeight_3000_ppi_72_embedColorProfile_true_quality_95.jpg?crop=focalpoint&fit=crop&fm=webp&fp-x=0.5&fp-y=0.5&h=1200&q=75&w=800&s=cc923fbbcba6de46753814c24ae1244b)
Telegram CEO Pavel Durov in 2016 Credit: Chris Ratcliffe/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Yet ProPublica and FRONTLINE found that Telegram today is the main nexus of far-right Accelerationist crime. Law enforcement agencies on both sides of the Atlantic have interrupted a series of criminal schemes, including:
- In July, a Georgian man accused of leading an Accelerationist terror group was arrested in Europe for allegedly soliciting people to carry out murders and bombings in the U.S. Michail Chkhikvishvili allegedly used Telegram to communicate and distribute his groups propaganda and is facing charges in New York. He is being held in Moldova pending extradition, [according to Wired](https://archive.is/ejrrH#selection-731.125-731.255). ProPublica and FRONTLINE could not locate counsel for him.
- The same month, federal prosecutors charged an Accelerationist named Andrew Takhistov with plotting to destroy an energy facility in New Jersey. They allege he used Telegram to incite racial violence and share a how-to guide for white supremacist terrorism that included instructions on the use of Mylar balloons and Molotov cocktails to damage power substations. An attorney for Takhistov did not respond to a request for comment.
- In June, Manhattan prosecutors announced charges against Hayden Espinosa, accusing the Texas man of selling illegal guns and firearm components through a Telegram channel aimed at white supremacists and Accelerationists. Espinosa allegedly used a contraband phone to sell weapons and gun parts while incarcerated in federal prison. He has pleaded not guilty.
- A judge in England recently sentenced a British man to eight years in prison for plotting to carry out a suicide bombing at a synagogue. According to the Crown Prosecution Service, 19-year-old Mason Reynolds was “the administrator of a Telegram channel which shared far right extremist, antisemitic and racist views, as well as manuals on bomb building and how to 3D print firearms.”
- Brandon Russell, a former leader of the [Atomwaffen Division](https://www.propublica.org/article/atomwaffen-division-hate-group-active-duty-military), a now-defunct neo-Nazi group tied to five murders, was charged last year with planning an attack aimed at disabling the power system in Baltimore. Russell and a co-defendant, Sarah Beth Clendaniel, used Telegram to organize the sabotage scheme, according to prosecutors. Clendaniel has pleaded guilty; Russell faces trial later this year. Attorneys for the duo declined to comment.
And then there is Lightner. U.S. prosecutors say in court filings that Lightner went to Telegram to discuss his plans to use a .308-caliber rifle to kill as many people as possible. He remains in jail awaiting trial on federal charges of making threats online and possessing an illegal silencer. He has pleaded not guilty. His attorney declined to comment.
Before Lightners arrest, he told an agent from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives that he was “blackout drunk” at the time of the posts, distraught over a bad breakup. “I was broken and really upset. And I went drinking, and then I did some stupid thing online,” he said, according to a recording of the conversation. He told other agents that he was not planning an act of violence but just wanted someone to notice him and care.
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Lightner told federal agents that he started using Telegram in 2015, about two years after the platform launched. The online service grew steadily over the next few years, with the majority of users coming from outside the U.S. Then in 2021, Telegrams growth exploded after its rival WhatsApp announced a new privacy policy. [Some users feared](https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2021/jan/24/whatsapp-loses-millions-of-users-after-terms-update) WhatsApp was poised to begin sharing their confidential messages with parent company Facebook, now called Meta. In a Telegram post, Durov boasted that his platform was experiencing “the largest digital migration in human history,” claiming that 25 million new users joined Telegram in 72 hours.
That same month, in the U.S., Telegram got a bump in users when major social media platforms including Facebook and Twitter ousted former President Donald Trump and many of his most ardent supporters in the aftermath of the Jan. 6 insurrection. Today, Telegram is heavily favored by right-wing extremists, including QAnon followers, Proud Boys, militia members, and white supremacist groups like Patriot Front and the Active Clubs.
Axel Neff, who helped start Telegram, said the companys core team of about 60 employees, 30 of whom are engineers, is too small to monitor the platform for criminal conduct. “Think about the size of Telegram. There are about a billion users on Telegram every month. A billion!” he said. “Telegram is a massive, massive community. … They are not staffed — and they do not have the capacity — to monitor everything that goes on there.”
Neff said it would be “professional suicide” for Telegram, which has marketed itself as a bastion of unfettered speech, to make a serious effort to moderate content. “I dont think it is something \[Durov\] will ever do.”
The companys privacy policy puts strict parameters around cooperation with law enforcement: “If Telegram receives a court order that confirms youre a terror suspect, we may disclose your IP address and phone number to the relevant authorities. So far, this has never happened.”
Telegram ignores requests for information from government agencies that arent “in line with our values of freedom of speech and protecting peoples private correspondence,” Durov told Tucker Carlson in an interview with the former Fox News host earlier this year. Durov noted that Telegram refused to cooperate with the U.S. congressional committee probing the events of Jan. 6, 2021.
Telegram stores “very limited data” on its users, the Telegram spokesperson told ProPublica and FRONTLINE. “In most cases it is impossible for Telegram to access this data in order to provide it for the authorities,” the spokesperson said. “Police, governments and users are able to report content to Telegram they believe is illegal. Telegram processes these reports according to its terms of service.”
ProPublica and FRONTLINE found that much of the most disturbing content is posted in channels maintained by violent, right-wing Accelerationists, whose ideas have attracted neo-Nazis, Charles Manson admirers and anti-government revolutionaries.
The Terrorgram Collective, the group of Telegram users targeted by the British governments crackdown, is an alliance of Accelerationists who use an ever-evolving array of Telegram channels to promote terrorism. The group has produced at least three e-books, including a manual celebrating white supremacist mass killers that court documents show was found at Lightners home in Florida.
David Skiffington, a former British counterterrorism specialist for Londons Metropolitan Police, said the “proliferation of extremist content” on Telegram “cannot be overstated.”
Other social media platforms such as Steam, Discord and Gab also host extremist-related content, Skiffington said. “But Telegram is by far the most widely used and accessible.”
Skiffington, who now runs the counterterrorism consulting firm DBA Insights, has been monitoring the Terrorgram Collective for years. He said the groups influencers encourage “angry, white, lonely vulnerable individuals … to commit real-world acts of violence.”
Its unclear how many people are part of the collective, though law enforcement has arrested individuals in Slovakia, Canada and the U.S. who are allegedly linked to the group.
In Florida, Lightner — or someone using his username, “Death.” — participated in at least 17 extremist Telegram channels, according to an analysis by Miro Dittrich, a co-founder of the Center for Monitoring, Analysis and Strategy, a German organization that studies online disinformation and extremism. Three of the channels were part of the Terrorgram network.
On the day of his arrest, Lightner was asked by a federal agent to explain his most explosive Telegram postings. At first, Lightner said he did not remember the online threats. But when a federal agent read the words back to him, Lightner said he had never seriously considered an act of violence. But he added that he knew that in making the Telegram postings, he was “playing with fire.”
[Doris Burke](https://www.propublica.org/people/doris-burke) of ProPublica and [Tom Jennings](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/person/tom-jennings/) and [Annie Wong](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/person/annie-wong/) of FRONTLINE contributed reporting.
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Tag: ["🤵🏻", "🇺🇸", "💩", "🚰"]
Date: 2024-08-18
DocType: "WebClipping"
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TimeStamp: 2024-08-18
Link: https://newrepublic.com/article/184258/san-diego-california-beach-town-sewage-crisis-border
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Read:: [[2024-08-26]]
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# The California Beach Town Awash in Poop
One day in March 2017, Mitch McKay and his wife, Suzanne, took a walk on the sand near Imperial Beach, a small [surf town](https://www.imperialbeachca.gov/367/Surfing-In-Imperial-Beach) south of San Diego where theyd raised their children. Suzanne liked to collect sea glass, and they often brought a spare grocery bag to pick up any trash they found amid the seaweed and driftwood. “It was our ritual,” Mitch said. Back home, Suzanne started to suffer from splitting headaches that seemed to emanate from the back of her neck, near the base of her skull. The headaches soon got bad enough that she went to the emergency room, where doctors performed a spinal tap. She had, they determined, spinal [meningitis](https://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/14600-meningitis).
Suzanne spent 12 days in the hospital, taking antibiotics and slowly regaining strength as doctors tried to deduce how shed gotten sick. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention sent a representative from Los Angeles to review her case. Ultimately, only one coherent explanation materialized: Bacteria living in fecal matter in seawater had entered her body through a small open blister on her foot. “That was my first slap in the face in terms of whats going on down here,” Mitch recalled. “People can die from this.”
The McKays fateful walk came at the end of a wet winter. That January, just over the U.S.-Mexico border, workers from Tijuanas water utility had been called to an industrial stretch of the city, where a rapidly [growing sinkhole](https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/sandiego/board_info/agendas/2017/Jun/item8/Item8_SD12_IBWC_Presentation.pdf) claimed a bus shelter, then the sidewalk beside it, and soon threatened traffic along a major thoroughfare. The cause, foretold by the smell, was a break in an even more important artery: a sewage pipeline five feet in diameter carrying the feces and dishwater of hundreds of thousands of people.
This flow ordinarily made its way across the border and into California underground, to a treatment plant owned by the U.S. arm of the International Boundary and Water Commission, or IBWC, [an agency](https://www.ibwc.gov/about-us/) that administers bilateral agreements for watersheds shared by both countries. After the pipeline broke, workers used an inflatable plug to stop the sewage and redirect it. But when repairs got underway, the pumps werent capable of sending the backed-up sewage to the plant by another route. Instead, the waste began to empty into the Tijuana River, which heads north through a concrete flood channel and crosses into California six miles from the Pacific Ocean. Residents of Imperial Beach smelled the change within days, as a plume of turgid, foamy sewage pushed out to sea. By the time the spill stopped, at the end of February, up to [256 million](https://www.surfrider.org/news/sewage-spills-at-us-mexico-border-are-contaminating-public-beaches#:~:text=In%20February%202017%2C%20between%20140,plumes%20for%20weeks%20on%20end) gallons had flowed through a protected estuary and out to the ocean, leaving a dark residue in the sand that technical reports refer to vaguely as “organic material.”
![A photograph of sewage spilling onto Playa Blanca, a beach in Tijuana, in March of this year.](https://images.newrepublic.com/e7ffbccdd1cdfc3a47025bfccbb76c9f660458ff.jpeg?w=1400)
Sewage and other waste dumped in canyons and ravines along the Tijuana River in Mexico are transported by seasonal rains across the border into coastal areas in the United States and eventually the Pacific Ocean. Here, sewage spilled onto Playa Blanca, a beach in Tijuana, in March of this year.
GUILLERMO ARIAS/AFP/GETTY
For the McKays and many of their neighbors in Imperial Beach, including Serge Dedina, the mayor at the time, the spill was a signal event, dividing life in the town into “before” and “after.” For more than a week, Dedina tried to reach federal officials in the United States and Mexico to learn what was going on. Nobody answered his calls. “Like, literally, there was no response,” he said.
Sewage overflow and beach closures are a [long-standing](https://angeles.sierraclub.org/news_conservation/blog/2024/03/san_diego_has_a_cross_border_sewage_problem) [problem](https://insideclimatenews.org/news/09022024/tijuana-river-spewing-wastewater-into-san-diego-amid-historic-storms/) on this part of the border—U.S. officials barred the sale of vegetables grown in the Tijuana River Valley as far back as the 1930s, fearing sewage contamination in the water there—but the 2017 spill heralded an era of cascading failures. Repairs to one section of the pipeline revealed more damage elsewhere. Pumps and valves failed. More [pipes broke](https://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/2023/02/15/tijuana-sewage-pours-through-san-diego-border-canyons-after-recent-pipe-break/). Tijuanas largest sewage treatment plant, five miles south of the border, was eventually degraded beyond repair, and soon began sending 40 million gallons a day of essentially untreated sewage straight out to sea. From there, it was carried north on summer swells to Imperial Beach and Coronado, one of [the wealthiest](https://propertyclub.nyc/article/richest-neighborhoods-in-san-diego#:~:text=1.-,Coronado,area%20with%20much%20to%20offer.) communities in California—perhaps best-known for the iconic Hotel del Coronado, [made famous](https://hoteldel.com/timeline/some-like-it-hot/) by Marilyn Monroe in the film *[Some Like It Hot](https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0053291/).*
Though a few bold surfers disregard the warnings, sections of Imperial Beach have been closed to swimmers for more than [900 consecutive](https://ca-imperialbeach.civicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/2384/060424---SD-Regional-Chamber-of-Commerce-Stakeholder-Letter-to-Gov-Newsom) days. Bars and restaurants have seen [business dry up](https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/closed-beaches-affecting-businesses-in-imperial-beach/3017464/); lifeguards keep leaving for towns where they dont have to tell people to get out of the water. A recent City Council meeting featured a debate on whether to cancel a popular summer sand-castle competition. Citing sales data on comparable housing elsewhere in coastal San Diego County, Norm Miller, an emeritus professor of real estate at the University of San Diego, estimated that homes in Imperial Beach are [discounted](https://engage.sandiegocounty.gov/border-pollution#:~:text=The%20pollution%20has%20led%20to,camps%2C%20and%20lower%20property%20values.) by as much as 50 percent.
For Dedina, the whole thing can feel like an exercise in futility. A lifelong surfer and geographer by training, Dedina runs the nonprofit Wildcoast, which [works on](https://wildcoast.org/what-we-do/) coastal conservation on both sides of the border. He ran for mayor to put in sidewalks and pave alleyways, only to find himself [suing the federal government](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3iZV4581E6g) under the Clean Water Act and “leading an international coalition to fix a sewer system,” he said. Why, he wondered, did it fall to “a small city with no money” to press for change?
By some measures, Dedinas lawsuit was a success, providing leverage that helped members of Congress secure [$300 million](https://www.epa.gov/sustainable-water-infrastructure/usmca-tijuana-river-watershed#:~:text=In%202020%2C%20the%20U.S.%20government,mitigate%20this%20decades%2Dold%20problem.) in federal funding to address sewage pollution as part of the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, the [successor](https://www.assent.com/blog/what-is-usmca-explained/) to the North American Free Trade Agreement. It also helped spur a review by the Environmental Protection Agency, outlining a range of projects on both sides of the border needed to provide a more durable solution. Unfortunately, no one thinks $300 million, or even the additional [$156 million](https://vargas.house.gov/media/press-releases/san-diego-congressional-delegation-governor-celebrate-156-million-in-funding-to-help-combat-cross-border-sewage-pollution) secured earlier this year, will come close to resolving the issue.
Earth is home to hundreds of border-spanning watersheds, and versions of this struggle exist all [over the planet](https://www.un.org/waterforlifedecade/transboundary_waters.shtml): where the Ganges [carries untreated](https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/earth-day-bangladesh-river/) effluent and industrial runoff from India into the lowland farms and coastal swamps of Bangladesh; along the Zambezi, the Mekong, the Danube. One merciful quality of the Tijuana River is that its not longer, limiting the scope of the conflict to two metro areas in two countries, as opposed to, say, the [11 nations](https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-limits-of-the-new-nile-agreement/) whose disputes span the 4,000-mile course of the Nile.
At the heart of the sewage crisis in Tijuana is the question of who bears responsibility for keeping up with the citys growth. As Carlos de la Parra, an environmental planner from the city, put it, “We have no business being this large, except for the fact that we border California, and that Mexico and the U.S. signed the North American Free Trade Agreement 30 years ago.”
Parts of NAFTA anticipated this dynamic; the agreement included a provision to set aside $100 million a year for environmental [infrastructure](http://oldw.cocef.org/uploads/files/becc_annual_report_2003.pdf) along the border. As time went on, though, Congress lost its appetite for funding public health upgrades in Mexican cities. How about building a wall and making Mexico pay for it?
Thats the kind of solution that appeals to the American political psyche, but it suffers from a basic misunderstanding. You can draw the border as a line on a map, but you still have to deal with the world on the other side. A [sewage crisis](https://www.sdcoastkeeper.org/blog/tijuana-river-sewage-crisis-causes-consequences/#:~:text=Since%20October%202023%2C%20a%20staggering,water%20pollution%20and%20the%20degradation) in Mexico cant be solved with pipes in California any more than a migration crisis that spans the hemisphere can be solved with a wall across Texas and Arizona.
Extreme cases like Suzanne McKays haunt Imperial Beach: the surfer with the lung abscess, the Border Patrol agent with [a flesh-eating](https://www.cbs8.com/article/news/border-patrol-agent-battles-flesh-eating-bacteria/509-fccbf099-0c75-40d9-a23c-9eeb087517e7) bacterial infection. But no one quite knows how many people get sick from the water south of San Diego.
Kimberly Dickson and her husband, Matt, both doctors, moved to town in 2011 to open an urgent care clinic. Over the years, they estimated that ailments associated with sewage made up 10 to 15 percent of their business, the way a clinic in a popular hiking area might see more than its share of scrapes and sprains. But they hadnt tracked patterns in the data until August 2023, when Tropical Storm Hilary [lashed](https://www.ppic.org/blog/tropical-storm-hilary-wallops-southern-california/) the Pacific Coast with torrential rains from the tip of the Baja Peninsula as far north as Los Angeles.
Suddenly, instead of seeing five or six cases of diarrhea in a week, they counted 34. “We just started noticing, Gosh, we have just a full clinic in the middle of summer with people with vomiting and diarrhea and abdominal cramping. And the thing is, none of these people were going in the water,” Matt recalled. “That was the really startling thing for us … where are they getting this?”
One answer lay at the south end of town, where sewage overflowed along Hollister Street, leaving a layer of foul-smelling mud to dry into dust on the roadway. “Kids go to school on that sidewalk,” Matt explained. “They walk into class, maybe they touch their feet, and then they eat lunch. Now theyre sick. Or, you know, you drive through it and you drive into your garage. Well, now youve tracked sewage into your garage.”
It wasnt only diarrhea. People complained of skin infections, sinusitis, sore throats, headaches, asthma flare-ups, and general cloudiness, all of which the Dicksons associated with what Kimberly called the “whiff test”—as in, “If you open your window and you smell, theres your whiff test.” Many ailments seemed to track the San Diego County Air Pollution Control Districts measurements of [hydrogen sulfide](https://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/hydrogensulfide/default.html#:~:text=Overview,-CAS%20No.&text=Hydrogen%20sulfide%20\(H%E2%82%82S\)%20is%20a,%2C%20and%20if%20liquid%3A%20frostbite.), the rotten-egg smell released when organic material breaks down with insufficient oxygen—say, during a sewage spill. The Dicksons are now collaborating with the epidemiology unit of the county health department to evaluate both routes of infection: water and air.
In 2021, Falk Feddersen, an oceanographer at the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, [led a study](https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1029/2021GH000490) funded by the EPA to model the path of sewage plumes along the coast in order to evaluate which infrastructure upgrades would deliver the most benefit. Nestled among the findings was a startling estimate: Based on the prevalence of norovirus in the waters off Imperial Beach, nearly one out of every 25 swimmers could be getting sick—potentially thousands of people a year. Heather Buonomo, who leads the unit responsible for water testing at the County Department of Environmental Health and Quality, declined to comment directly on that projection, because, she said, the county was not involved in the research. But she suggested that the system of closures and health advisories triggered by evidence of sewage spills has been an effective deterrent: “People arent going in the water,” she said. “So the work that were doing to protect public health is working.”
The Dicksons arent so sure. “Were only seeing the tip of the iceberg,” Kimberly said. “Theres probably more out there, and its flying under the radar because its not reportable.” The real worry, Matt said, comes if Tijuana experiences a more virulent disease that sheds into sewage flows that cross the border: cholera, for instance, or [shigella](https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/shigella/symptoms-causes/syc-20377529), a leading cause of diarrhea globally. (Though both pathogens are rare in Mexico, they are often spread through untreated water and can cause fatal illness.) “Thats where were gonna have a big problem,” he said. “It all depends on whats coming across in that water.”
One afternoon in April, I accompanied Rosario Norzagaray, who works with Dedina at Wildcoast, to visit Los Laureles, a neighborhood where a small share of the sewage that makes its way to the Tijuana River—and, ultimately, Imperial Beach—begins its journey. Norzagaray took a circuitous route through steep ravines along Tijuanas western flank, bringing us to a ramshackle neighborhood in the headlands of a canyon whose waters drain into the United States above the rivers floodplain. She waved her arm at the sweep of pastel-colored homes clinging to the eroded slopes above us. “All this is invasion,” she said, explaining that the so-called colonias were settled by people who built homes without title to the land. Then again, she added, chuckling, “half of Tijuana is an invasion.”
![A panoramic view of Tijuanas Los Laureles Canyon in 2023](https://images.newrepublic.com/d027c879fe326ed269273d009d5e78b0f51e553e.jpeg?w=1400)
A panoramic view of Tijuanas Los Laureles Canyon in 2023
PHOTOGRAPH BY AIMEE MELO
Tijuanas population has followed a path of near exponential growth over the last century, ballooning from a community of 21,000 in 1940 to nearly [two million](https://www.economia.gob.mx/datamexico/en/profile/geo/tijuana#population-and-housing) at last count. The citys first sewer infrastructure, a septic tank for 500 people, was built in 1928; within a decade, it served 10 times that number. U.S. officials made their first effort to stop untreated sewage fouling the coast in the 1930s, with an underwater pipe, or “outfall,” that discharged around 140 feet offshore. By then, Tijuana had built another, larger tank, to serve 5,000, but it was quickly oversubscribed to the point of obsolescence. It wasnt until 1983 that another tank was built; at that time, Tijuanas population was passing half a million, with dozens of maquiladoras, or foreign-owned manufacturing plants, attracting new transplants each year. By the late 1980s, Tijuana had become the [world capital](https://www.coastlineintl.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/White_Paper_-_Electronics_Manufacturing_in_Mexico_-_CPI_-__01-11-2016.pdf) of television manufacturing, producing [30 million](https://www.tecma.com/television-manufacturing-in-tijuana/) TVs a year. The passage of NAFTA in 1994 only accelerated the citys growth.
“Tijuana is a stop, not a destination,” Norzagaray said. “People dont come to Tijuana thinking theyll stay; they come thinking theyll go find their American dream, but when they cant get there, they come back here.”
Though some houses in Los Laureles were built half a century ago, the neighborhood today reminded me of a packed open-air concert, where each group of new arrivals crowding onto the grass forces those who came earlier to rearrange their picnic blankets. Unpermitted homes, built and expanded in stages, jam the hillsides. We got out of the truck at the entrance to a concrete flood control structure. A trash boom, [installed in 2021](https://wildcoast.org/wildcoast-stops-the-tsunami-of-trash-at-the-us-mexico-border/), stretched across the ravine like an oversize necklace made of corrugated plastic piping and steel. When it rains, the boom floats up with the floodwaters, skimming off piles of plastic bags, milk bottles, and Styrofoam as the runoff continues downstream. This is the linchpin of Wildcoasts work in the area, a community recycling program that has removed more than 100,000 pounds of plastic waste in the last four years. But plastic is only the most tractable part of the equation. The other major components of runoff—sediment and sewage—require more than a trash boom.
All around us were signs of development that had outpaced the infrastructure to support it. A garden hose snaked along 50 yards of concrete wall, splitting a single paid water connection among several houses. Raw sewage trickled into the street from exposed, broken drainage pipes that zigzagged down from homes high above us. Narrow stairways and retaining walls made of used tires ran up the slopes. “Theyre trying to control all this with tires; but the water takes it,” Norzagaray explained about the eroding hillside. “And this situation is replicated in every canyon in Tijuana. Wherever theres not supposed to be construction and there is—there are problems with sewage.” She pointed out an empty expanse on the slope above us where 20 homes had stood until 2015, when they were damaged during a landslide brought on by heavy rains.
![A photo a trash boom in Los Laureles Canyon. When it rains, the boom floats up with the floodwaters, skimming off piles of plastic bags, milk bottles, and Styrofoam.](https://images.newrepublic.com/b49008f91f45a6c3f5050b1539d1e1b6a3f6f577.jpeg?w=1400)
In 2021, the nonprofit Wildcoast installed a trash boom in Los Laureles Canyon. When it rains, the boom floats up with the floodwaters, skimming off piles of plastic bags, milk bottles, and Styrofoam.
ALEJANDRO TAMAYO/THE SAN DIEGO UNION-TRIBUNE/ZUMA PRESS
Over the years, the government has extended services to Tijuanas colonias piecemeal. But many residents have no choice but to make do with latrines and DIY septic tanks: Though theyd be willing to pay the connection fee, they [arent eligible](https://www.kpbs.org/news/border-immigration/2023/08/10/tijuanas-illegal-sewer-hookups-linked-to-cross-border-pollution) for a new sewer line without title to the land. Maria del Pilar Márquez Gómez and her husband, Manuel López Paz, live in a modest white and blue cement house on a shared lot that backs up against the flood control channel. Each moved to the city during [the boom years](https://www.britannica.com/place/Tijuana) of the 1990s. Pilar Márquez Gómez came to Tijuana on a lark, and stayed when she found steady work cleaning beachfront apartments owned by wealthy Mexicans and American expats. A mason, López Paz recalled construction foremen driving trucks around the city and calling out for workers from their windows. His brother was the first to settle in Los Laureles, and he gradually brought in new families to share a 5,000-square-meter lot. “When I got here, all this didnt exist,” López Paz said, looking up at the homes around us. “It was only farms.”
Though none of the occupants had formal title, the arrangement came to feel settled, even sanctioned by the city. When the government announced plans to channelize the arroyo out back, the family lost most of their backyard, but the authorities didnt touch the houses. Not long afterward, they returned from an extended trip to visit family in Guanajuato to see that their street was being paved, and their neighbors homes had been connected to water and sewer service as construction proceeded up the canyon. It turned out to be something like a onetime amnesty. Thirteen years later, they are still trying to get the right paperwork through City Hall to acquire title, and still using their septic tank. “We missed our chance,” Pilar Márquez Gómez said.
In this instance, however, its not clear whether a sewer connection would make much difference. A mile uphill, the pavement stopped and the concrete channel gave way to an overgrown ditch lined with trash, a canyon in miniature etched by a small stream that ran downhill. Two children in pigtails skipped home across a makeshift bridge made of shipping pallets. Nearby, the streams “headwaters” spouted from a manhole cover atop a sewer main, where a persistent blockage sent raw sewage bubbling over in a man-made waterfall, destined for the beaches of California.
Even as Dedina saw his view of the sewage crisis vindicated through his lawsuit—the federal judge in the case went so far as to visit the Tijuana River estuary to smell the stench in person—the underlying conditions were growing more dire. In late 2019, another major [pipeline broke](https://www.10news.com/news/national/water-line-break-on-mexican-border-causes-9-2-million-gallons-of-wastewater-to-flow-into-us) in Tijuana; nine million gallons of sewage crossed into California in two days. As the pandemic set in and the border was closed to nonessential travel, the combination of wet weather and failing infrastructure, Dedina said, seemed to create a new baseline. “Its just polluted every day. The rivers going to flow, and there doesnt have to be a response or timeline to fix it.”
In the summer of 2020, Dedina sparked a minor diplomatic spat by saying, in an interview with a Mexican television station, “Tijuanas sewage is killing us.” Jaime Bonilla, then governor of Baja, [shot back](https://fox5sandiego.com/news/border-report/war-of-words-heats-up-over-international-efforts-to-clean-up-border-sewage/#:~:text=%E2%80%9CThe%20vast%20amount%20of%20this,Dedina%20says%20Bonilla%20is%20grandstanding.), blaming the problem on foreign investors: “The vast amount of this contamination comes from American companies operating in Tijuana discharging their waste into the river; thats where he needs to focus his attention.” As Dedina sees it, the pandemic broke down key bilateral relationships at all levels of government just as U.S. ties with Mexico were strained by other concerns. “All of a sudden, things just fell apart,” Dedina told me. “Fentanyl, migrants, the whole crisis in the relationship between the U.S. and Mexico—thats taking all of Ken Salazars time,” he said, referring to the U.S. ambassador to Mexico. “This is not something the U.S. is willing to push on.”
The modern Tijuana River is a hybrid, part natural waterway and part man-made infrastructure, whose flow is what ecologists call “[urban drool](https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/resources/data_databases/docs/ppt_aprahamian_day2_sci_symp.pdf).” What was once an intermittent, seasonal stream has been replaced, since the 1970s, by a steady flow of used tap water imported across 90 miles of open desert. The concrete flood channel that sheaths the river all the way through Tijuana ends just past the border. On the southern bank, the rusty bollards of the border fence climb a steep hillside at the citys edge, flanked by shops and apartments all the way to the sea. On the north side, the enclosed tunnel of the pedestrian crossing follows the river right up to California, then turns 90 degrees and descends to U.S. Customs and Immigration Enforcement, a filter separating the people heading north from everything else.
As the water slows down and spreads out across the floodplain, solids drop out of the current. Plovers and godwits peck at the mud among empty water jugs and motor oil containers, toys and soccer balls, sneakers, couch cushions, spaghetti knots of hardened caulking. Coke bottles urge “*Recíclame.”*
![A photo of a Mexican worker in Tijuanas Matadero Canyon examining a sewage pipeline. During seasonal rains, water from numerous canyons in Tijuana, including nearby Los Laureles, drains into the United States.](https://images.newrepublic.com/0442d56a18d488018209ef28c81e5ae9a1e2faab.jpeg?w=1400)
A Mexican worker in Tijuanas Matadero Canyon examines a sewage pipeline. During seasonal rains, water from numerous canyons in Tijuana, including nearby Los Laureles, drains into the United States.
CARLOS MORENO/SIPA/AP PHOTO
Standing on an embankment 200 yards downstream, Chris Helmer, the director of environmental and natural resources for Imperial Beach, gazed out at a profusion of wild mustard and garland daisies sprouting from deposits that accumulate in the riverbed like layers of rock each spring.
A few weeks earlier, Helmer explained, and the view would not have been obstructed by so much vegetation. “Its highly nutrient rich water: What do you think is going to grow in here?” he said. Where water or bulldozers had cut into the banks, the structure that remained looked like a tall layer cake. “Its almost like tree rings. Every single season you can see a new layer of sediment and trash, sediment, trash.”
Clearing the debris is a Sisyphean undertaking, with each seasons work reset by the next rains, and in recent years the U.S. government hasnt come close to keeping up. There are now something like 100,000 truckloads of material that will need to be moved to prevent flooding in the adjoining neighborhoods in San Ysidro and Tijuana.
But Customs and Border Protection is also in the process of making the work much harder. Just upstream, construction had begun on a project announced abruptly in 2020: [a bridge for](https://www.borderreport.com/immigration/the-border-wall/border-patrol-bridge-likely-to-cause-flooding-in-downtown-tijuana-study-shows/) Border Patrol agents to cross the flood channel as it enters the United States, combined with a fence, built along the upstream side, consisting of dozens of moving panels, or liftgates, that will have to be raised during heavy rains to allow the rivers flow to continue downstream. As a border security measure, the project is exempt from federal environmental review, but other agencies met the CBPs proposal with pointed skepticism. Californias Environmental Protection Agency, CalEPA, warned that fortifying this area might simply create security issues near some of the other places where tributaries crossed the border, like Los Laureles. But the [larger worry](https://www.yahoo.com/news/border-patrol-bridge-likely-cause-000135824.html) is that the liftgates will fail, or that CBP may not respond in time to raise them before a rainstorm, or debris will accumulate in back-to-back storms, and the fence, which is supposed to let water through, will act as a dam instead, leading to [catastrophic flooding](https://www.borderreport.com/immigration/the-border-wall/border-patrol-bridge-likely-to-cause-flooding-in-downtown-tijuana-study-shows/) in a densely populated part of Tijuana. (CBP did not respond to interview requests for this story.)
“All the debris and trash is going to back up in Mexico, so you rely on Mexico to maintain and clean this,” Helmer said—maintenance and cleaning the United States already fails to do. He called the project “utterly insane.”
Its expected to be completed by the end of the year.
Residents of Imperial Beach sometimes seemed at a loss about where political pressure can be usefully applied. “When youre in Washington, what is the federal government even saying about this happening to us?” [one man asked](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i_rqKqPbjAo) at a recent city workshop on the sewage problem. After 16 years of going to public meetings about sewage, he wanted to know if there was a time frame for a solution. Other residents have compared spills to a “dirty bomb” dropped on the city. There were suggestions that the United States close the border to all travel north during sewage flows or cut off Tijuanas access to Colorado River water.
If residents dont know how to pressure the feds, the feds often dont seem to know how to pressure Mexico. The commissioner of the U.S. arm of the International Boundary and Water Commission, Maria-Elena Giner, has been frank about the challenges of treating sewage that originates in another country. “We cannot fine them for not treating their wastewater; we cant fine them for discharging water,” Giner told me. What the IBWC can do is conduct meetings, collect evidence, write stern letters, appeal for more funding from Congress. The sewage that reaches the IBWC plant would be anomalous anywhere else in California. “You get rags, you get a lot of sediment, and it tears up the pumps, it tears up the concrete,” Giner said.
Rags and sediment do a number on the sewer infrastructure in Tijuana, too. But the root of the problem isnt technical so much as financial: The Comisión Estatal de Servicios Públicos de Tijuana, or CESPT, which provides water and sewer services to the city, gets most of its revenue from ratepayers, but loses money on nearly 80 percent of the water that flows through its pipes.
In the spring, I met with CESPTs director, Jesús García Castro, and deputies responsible for finance and operations, around a coffee table spread with chocolate-covered nuts and cut fruit. García Castro had been on the job only a few months, but it turned out to be an auspicious moment to take over: A few weeks after he began, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, or AMLO, as hes known, announced that the citys largest treatment plant, which hasnt operated effectively in five years, would be rebuilt by a unit of the Secretaría de Defensa Nacional, or SEDENA, comparable to the Army Corps of Engineers. Salazar, the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, traveled to Tijuana to attend the groundbreaking: Finally, it seemed, sewage had risen up the list of issues competing for political oxygen in the U.S.-Mexico relationship. The new treatment plant “will reduce the flows of untreated sewage to the Pacific Ocean by 90 percent,” García Castro said confidently. “So thats a big part of the solution.”
Under AMLO, the military has become something like Mexicos contractor of first resort, with the ability to bypass environmental review and typical procurement processes. Keeping with SEDENAs style, the construction schedule announced at the groundbreaking was ambitious, condensing what would ordinarily be a multiyear project into nine months. U.S. officials received the news with wary optimism. “SEDENA works fast,” one federal official told me in a text message. “Not necessarily a good thing as they tend to build BEFORE design.” Still, the Mexican government had ultimately scuttled a series of earlier initiatives to rebuild the plant with private funding, as far back as 2011, and there was a sense that if it wasnt built by SEDENA, it might not be built at all.
Before the existing plant at San Antonio de los Buenos went offline, it limped along well past its useful life, hobbled by a lack of maintenance. Sludge accumulated in treatment lagoons that were rarely dredged. Eventually, they stopped functioning altogether. A 2019 review by an independent consultant found that there was no backup power system and “no preventive maintenance program,” noting that CESPT typically received just a third of the operating budget it asked for.
After years of delay, García Castro was adamant that the utility was making up for lost time. “Well have results this year,” he said. “Next year, already, well be able to have clean beaches.” The reality is that most directors dont stick around at CESPT long enough to see such promises through. When I asked how many people had held García Castros job before he got there, his deputies, both longtime employees, began counting on their fingers, seeming to flip through a mental catalog of past bosses like baseball fans trying to name bench players on favorite childhood teams. Eventually, they came up with a figure. “Thirteen in 10 years,” García Castro said.
The IBWCs South Bay International Wastewater Treatment Plant may be the easiest place on the entire border to cross legally between the United States and Mexico. Here, flatbed trucks bearing CESPTs blue logo make daily return trips to a loading bay beneath an elevated conveyor belt carrying trash extracted from Tijuana sewage.
In the spring, Morgan Rogers, who oversees the plants operations, watched through wraparound shades as a stream of refuse fell from a chute in the ceiling into a waiting dumpster. “Mexico hauls that off when it gets full,” he explained. “They own the trash, they own the sludge, they own the sediment”—he paused—“and they actually own the water. But we throw the water off the coast because they cant do anything with it.”
“But they can do stuff with the trash and sludge and sediment?” I asked.
“Well, we make them take that.”
Rogers nodded in the direction of the border wall, just on the other side of the building, its tall, rusted slats climbing to the horizon in either direction. “We have a gate out back here,” he said. The IBWC plant was built in the years after NAFTA was passed, partly out of a conviction that the Mexican government couldnt be relied on to treat sewage to standards that would keep California beaches swimmable. Its meant to handle about a third of Tijuanas wastewater, along with dry weather flows from the Tijuana River and runoff from neighborhoods like Los Laureles. But as Tijuana has continued to grow, the plant has been broken down by the combined effects of storm events and [infrastructure failures](https://thecoronadonews.com/2023/03/promises-promises-the-tijuana-sewage-crisis-timeline/).
![A photograph of Mexican workers repairing broken pipelines connected to the San Antonio de los Buenos sewage treatment plant in Tijuana. Before the plant went offline, it limped along well past its useful life, hobbled by a lack of maintenance.](https://images.newrepublic.com/34ce6cdebe3d200949f86f574b97ce09f7be46a7.jpeg?w=1400)
Mexican workers repair broken pipelines connected to the San Antonio de los Buenos sewage treatment plant in Tijuana. Before the plant went offline, it limped along well past its useful life, hobbled by a lack of maintenance.
CARLOS MORENO/SIPA/AP PHOTO
In July 2022, Rogers explained, two critical pipelines, serving a pump station that allowed CESPT to divert sewage flows several miles south of the border, failed one after the other. That December, a series of atmospheric rivers also worsened damage to a valve controlling how much sewage the IBWC plant lets in. As a result, Rogers said, “Whatever flows come from Mexico, we take.”
The consequences have been disastrous. During rainstorms, as much as [80 million](https://coronadotimes.com/news/2024/04/05/port-declares-emergency-over-tijuana-sewage-crisis-ibwc-provides-update-on-plant-repairs/) gallons a day poured into a plant designed to handle 25 million, carrying trash and sediment that clogged critical equipment. By the end of 2023, all five of the plants primary treatment tanks were inoperable, filled to the brim with sludge.
Tropical Storm Hilary made things even worse, destroying all but one of the pumps that moved sewage into the treatment tanks. Rogers leaned over a concrete wall where backed-up trash formed a dam during the storm, and he peered down at the pumps below. “There was eight feet of water down there,” he said. “We were on the edge: If you lost that pump, wed have been out of business.”
As it was, the plant was still recovering, with new pumps waiting on the grass to be installed, and waist-high weeds sprouting from treatment tanks, which were still being emptied and overhauled one at a time. Rogers credited Tropical Storm Hilary with spurring a new sense of urgency somewhere above his pay grade. “Hilary, really as much damage \[as\] it did, it kind of woke us up”—he paused, looking at his counterpart from IBWCs political side, Sally Spener, following along in a pink button-down and maroon cowboy boots. “Not us, but it woke—Who would you say it woke up?” Spener didnt answer.
Throughout the tour, Spener countered Rogerss blunt assessments of the plants condition with steadfast diplomacy: the broken valve (“But the contract has been awarded to fix it, right?”); the failing pump stations (“Thats all part of that rehab thats envisioned.”); the oversize pipeline that sent the plants treated water three miles off the coast (“the award-winning ocean outfall!”). The dynamic captured the unwieldiness of the agencys mission: to operate a utility whose “customers” live in another country, and to manage a spiraling set of technical problems enmeshed in a much larger diplomatic relationship.
In June, Mexico elected its first woman president, Claudia Sheinbaum, a former professor of engineering from AMLOs [Morena party](https://www.wilsoncenter.org/article/movimiento-de-regeneracion-nacional-morena-explainer). The alignment between the levers of power in Baja state and Mexico City increases the chances that the leadership team at CESPT will keep their jobs long enough to make a dent in the priorities theyve outlined.
But the shift that may ultimately force the city into a different relationship with wastewater is climate change. As in urban areas [across the U.S. Southwest](https://coloradosun.com/2023/08/14/colorado-river-explained/), Tijuanas water supply is [dominated](https://apnews.com/article/colorado-river-tijuana-mexico-water-drought-189a291a583841da327a49689fc16252#:~:text=More%20than%2090%25%20of%20Tijuana's,itself%20is%20often%20under%20repair.) by [the dwindling](https://abcnews.go.com/US/happen-colorado-river-system-recover-historic-drought/story?id=98475953) Colorado River. In 2023, CESPT was forced to shut off supply to nearly half the city and get emergency allocation from a cross-border connection with California to avoid prolonged water outages. Water, then, is the limiting factor on Tijuanas growth: CESPT is now pursuing a long-postponed plan to reuse a portion of Tijuanas treated water for agriculture, a signal that sewage is finally seen as a commodity worth capturing. “Mexico owns the water rights to this,” Chris Helmer told me as we watched Tijuanas stream of urban drool meander past us into the estuary. “Its written in the treaties. At some point, Mexico is going to want to use this water.”
When plans for a U.S. plant to treat Mexican sewage were first proposed, in the 1970s, they called for a facility big enough to handle 100 percent of Tijuanas wastewater. Gradually, the plant-to-be was whittled down to a quarter of that size and simplified so that it could be built more cheaply, with the idea that upgrades would be made over time. David Gibson, an executive officer of the San Diego Regional Water Quality Control Board, said the IBWC plant was already outdated by the time it was completed, in 1997. “Design decisions that were made in the 1990s for that treatment plant, were paying for even now,” Gibson said. Without ratepayers to cover maintenance costs, the plant has also fallen victim to the Darwinian logic of the federal budget, receiving just $4 million for maintenance, cumulatively, from 2010 to 2020, a period when billions of additional dollars were allocated to border security. “This is like buying a nice Corolla in 1997 or a nice Ford, but you never change the tires, you never change the oil,” Gibson said. The plan now is to make overdue repairs and double its capacity. But the current funding, Gibson said, is “barely half” whats needed “for the economy model.” He worries the region is on track to reprise nearly 100 years of sewage history, “outgrowing the infrastructure only a decade or so after its installed.”
Still, Gibson echoed the point of view I heard from nearly every American official I spoke to—that the only reliable solution to Tijuanas sewage problem is building the infrastructure on the U.S. side. In this, sewage treatment for Tijuana seems destined to operate as something like an extension of the border wall, a constant, churning intervention made at the rivers mouth, rather than its source, whatever the price. “I dont think Mexico in general has sufficient resources to attend to their problems,” Giner, the IBWC commissioner, told me. “How are we going to ensure this moves forward with sufficient resources after all of this is built?” she asked, referring to upgrades on the U.S. side. “Lets say weve caught up. Once we catch up, we will have to answer that question.”
Nearly wherever you look, border politics in the United States is animated by a persistent myth: that with enough money and willpower, you could eventually seal off the countries from one another, like apartments that share a 1,954-mile wall. One way to describe [decades of militarization](https://www.southernborder.org/border_lens_border_militarization) on the border is that it serves to make Mexico invisible to residents of the United States. The same might be said of cross-border industrial development: porous to money and airplane parts, hardened to everything else. Straddling one of the busiest land crossings in the world, the Tijuana River offers a stubborn rebuttal, a reminder that both sides of the border constitute a single place. Once the poop is in the water, no amount of barbed wire can get it out.
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@ -106,9 +106,9 @@ Diabetic life has long been constrained and managed by a menagerie of bad-faith
Despite their irrevocable reliance on the pharmaceutical industry when presented with a diagnosis of insulin-dependent diabetes, the diabetic patient maintains a unique agency in that they are responsible for the lions share of their treatment decisions. It has been estimated that type 1 diabetics make [about 180 health-related decisions](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6286423/) per day: self-monitoring blood glucose using continuous glucose monitors (CGMs) and/or glucometers; calculating and administering long-acting insulin to re-up their baselines and short-acting insulin before food and as needed to correct for high blood sugars throughout the day; treating hypoglycemia, or low blood sugar, caused by too much insulin in the blood; and engaging in the mental calculus of anticipating higher or lower insulin sensitivity due to temperature, weather, menstrual phases, sickness, stress, altitude, exercise, sleep, medications, and the other forty-plus known variables that impact blood glucose. Many of these decisions are necessarily made outside the supervision and recommendation of a health care provider. Despite their irrevocable reliance on the pharmaceutical industry when presented with a diagnosis of insulin-dependent diabetes, the diabetic patient maintains a unique agency in that they are responsible for the lions share of their treatment decisions. It has been estimated that type 1 diabetics make [about 180 health-related decisions](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6286423/) per day: self-monitoring blood glucose using continuous glucose monitors (CGMs) and/or glucometers; calculating and administering long-acting insulin to re-up their baselines and short-acting insulin before food and as needed to correct for high blood sugars throughout the day; treating hypoglycemia, or low blood sugar, caused by too much insulin in the blood; and engaging in the mental calculus of anticipating higher or lower insulin sensitivity due to temperature, weather, menstrual phases, sickness, stress, altitude, exercise, sleep, medications, and the other forty-plus known variables that impact blood glucose. Many of these decisions are necessarily made outside the supervision and recommendation of a health care provider.
From volunteering to resource- and supply-sharing, to organizing at the state and federal levels for [#insulin4all](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/insulin-prices-diabetes-activists-hashtags/), diabetes activists and our allies keep each other alive in real-time. They embody the kind of interdependence described by disability justice arts project [Sins Invalid](https://www.sinsinvalid.org/) as the ways in which “we attempt to meet each others needs as we build toward liberation, without always reaching for state solutions which can readily extend its control further over our lives.” Until there is a federal cap on insulin pricing protected by the government, grassroots pharma access projects such as the volunteer-run collective [Mutual Aid Diabetes](https://mutualaiddiabetes.com/), and patient advocacy groups like [T1International](https://www.t1international.com/)—which refuses to accept industry funding as they organize for “access to insulin, diabetes supplies, and medical care” for all—will continue to fill the abundant gaps in the health care and regulatory landscapes. From volunteering to resource- and supply-sharing, to organizing at the state and federal levels for [`#insulin4all`](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/insulin-prices-diabetes-activists-hashtags/), diabetes activists and our allies keep each other alive in real-time. They embody the kind of interdependence described by disability justice arts project [Sins Invalid](https://www.sinsinvalid.org/) as the ways in which “we attempt to meet each others needs as we build toward liberation, without always reaching for state solutions which can readily extend its control further over our lives.” Until there is a federal cap on insulin pricing protected by the government, grassroots pharma access projects such as the volunteer-run collective [Mutual Aid Diabetes](https://mutualaiddiabetes.com/), and patient advocacy groups like [T1International](https://www.t1international.com/)—which refuses to accept industry funding as they organize for “access to insulin, diabetes supplies, and medical care” for all—will continue to fill the abundant gaps in the health care and regulatory landscapes.
But just as insulin unmistakably, and almost miraculously, transforms a sick body, it has the potential to reconstitute our political economic realities. Medical anthropologist Samantha Gottlieb gestures towards the “paradigm-shifting” potential of the “fantastical empowered” insulin-dependent patient. Unlike the engaged, “compliant” patient of the regulatory-clinical-commercial public health imaginary, the insulin-dependent patient is an “[actor-creator and disrupter](https://blog.castac.org/2019/04/the-fda-patient-empowerment-and-the-type-1-diabetes-communities-in-the-era-of-digital-health/).” Diabetics hands remain full as they traipse through multibillion-dollar mazes just to make it through each day, but, as diabetes activists on X have expressed so cogently, #WeAreNotWaiting. When insulin pumps and CGMs were faulty and incompatible, hackers developed a do-it-yourself device looping system for more personalized and precise blood glucose management; when pharma announced insulin shortages, Mutual Aid Diabetes and other groups have worked to give excess supplies to diabetics in need; when people died from rationing their insulin, protestors have demanded justice and gotten life-saving, [emergency access provisions](https://apnews.com/article/9f1dddc363714f632901ead1792683fb) written into state legislation. While the machinations of the pharmaceutical empire and its profiteering bedfellows continue to privilege profits over people, we continue to keep ourselves cared for and alive; we continue to demand guaranteed, protected, and dignified access pathways for insulin and all other drugs and medical technologies people need—not just to survive but to live full and thriving lives. But just as insulin unmistakably, and almost miraculously, transforms a sick body, it has the potential to reconstitute our political economic realities. Medical anthropologist Samantha Gottlieb gestures towards the “paradigm-shifting” potential of the “fantastical empowered” insulin-dependent patient. Unlike the engaged, “compliant” patient of the regulatory-clinical-commercial public health imaginary, the insulin-dependent patient is an “[actor-creator and disrupter](https://blog.castac.org/2019/04/the-fda-patient-empowerment-and-the-type-1-diabetes-communities-in-the-era-of-digital-health/).” Diabetics hands remain full as they traipse through multibillion-dollar mazes just to make it through each day, but, as diabetes activists on X have expressed so cogently, `#WeAreNotWaiting`. When insulin pumps and CGMs were faulty and incompatible, hackers developed a do-it-yourself device looping system for more personalized and precise blood glucose management; when pharma announced insulin shortages, Mutual Aid Diabetes and other groups have worked to give excess supplies to diabetics in need; when people died from rationing their insulin, protestors have demanded justice and gotten life-saving, [emergency access provisions](https://apnews.com/article/9f1dddc363714f632901ead1792683fb) written into state legislation. While the machinations of the pharmaceutical empire and its profiteering bedfellows continue to privilege profits over people, we continue to keep ourselves cared for and alive; we continue to demand guaranteed, protected, and dignified access pathways for insulin and all other drugs and medical technologies people need—not just to survive but to live full and thriving lives.
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Tag: ["🤵🏻", "🇺🇸", "🏛️"]
Date: 2024-08-18
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Link: https://www.newyorker.com/news/american-chronicles/the-vigil-keepers-of-january-6th
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# The Vigil Keepers of January 6th
Tami Perryman was glad that her boyfriend, Brian Jackson, was going to Washington on January 6, 2021. His plan was “high-school friends! whiskey! D.C.!” Her only condition was that he not end up in jail. “I absolutely told him, If you get arrested, Im leaving your ass, and Im not going to sit around for this bullshit,” Perryman told me. Jackson thought it might be his last chance to finally see a Trump rally. On the sixth, he started drinking in his hotel room early in the morning before attending Trumps speech at the Ellipse; by late afternoon, he was on the lower west terrace of the Capitol, throwing a flagpole at a line of police officers. “I was super pissed,” Perryman said. “The moment Trump said, Come to D.C., I felt like it was a fucking setup. This is what the Democrats want you to do.”
Jackson flew home, to Katy, Texas, the next day. He and Perryman got engaged. The following summer, they were six weeks away from getting married when the F.B.I. came to the door and arrested Jackson for assaulting law enforcement. “I knew quite a bit of what he had done, because he filmed it and posted it,” Perryman told me. Jacksons brother Adam, who attended the rally with him, stole a Capitol Police riot shield and charged a line of officers trying to keep the crowd out of the building. “Adam got a goddam shield, stole it from the fuckin popo!” Jackson filmed himself saying on Facebook. (Perryman: “Is my husband a fucking idiot? Yes.”) Photographs of Jackson at the Capitol show him smiling in selfies and making a white-power hand sign.
Perryman, a bartender, first met Jackson, an electrician, when she was a teen-ager. When he went to jail, Perryman was about to sign the paperwork to buy a house. Her mother, who had been sick for several years, had just died. “Then, when my boss found out why Brian got arrested, I got fired, and that was pretty much the nail in the coffin of my life,” Perryman said.
Jackson was denied bond and ordered to remain in federal custody, alongside dozens of other January 6th defendants. When I called him at the D.C. jail, where hed been since last year, he told me that he hadnt been interested in politics when he made the trip to Washington. “I wasnt trying to achieve anything,” he said. (He recently pleaded guilty.) “I wanted to see the monuments and the Lincoln Memorial, the Trump rally. All the people we see on TV, I wanted to see in real life.” He headed for the Capitol after he heard rumors that anyone wearing a backward *MAGA* hat might be Antifa in disguise, ready to fight. “I didnt know the acronyms—I didnt know what G.O.P. or D.O.J. meant, I didnt know the difference between the House of Representatives or the Congress or any of that stuff,” he said. “I learned all that stuff since Ive been in here.” (His interpretation of his trip—“I went to D.C. a tourist and came back a terrorist”—diverges from the portrait drawn in court. He “proudly viewed his actions as part of a violent civil-war narrative,” the judge wrote.)
After Jacksons arrest, Perryman decided that she would pack up her life in Katy, a town of twenty-five thousand people, and drive to the nations capital to try to make sense of her new reality. At first, she said, she “was annoyed this was where his actions had put me.” She soon focussed her frustration on the government and the justice system, whose response she found overblown. “As his wife I felt compelled to do something,” Perryman wrote on a crowdfunding page. “He is being persecuted as if he is a terrorist for being there. This is the case for hundreds of other defendants from that day.” Americans who supported Jacksons actions at the Capitol sent Perryman prayers and hundreds of dollars; they thanked Jackson for being a patriot. “Our confidence in the justice system is zero,” Perryman wrote. “I realized very quickly this fight is much bigger than me and my husband, it is a fight for our nation.”
In the wake of January 6th, the Justice Department and the F.B.I. embarked on what has become the largest criminal investigation in American history. Around a hundred and forty police officers were assaulted during the attack. As of this month, more than fourteen hundred people have been charged for their participation in the riot, and some nine hundred have pleaded guilty; nine have been convicted of seditious conspiracy, a Civil War-era charge that was devised to prosecute Southern rebels. In 2022, advocates of those involved in January 6th began to suggest that Trump ought to do something to help his most loyal supporters; some were disappointed that he hadnt just pardoned them all before leaving office. The next year, Trump spoke at a fund-raiser for January 6th families held at his golf club in Bedminster, New Jersey. (According to [a book about January 6th](https://www.amazon.com/dp/1541701801) by the reporter Ryan J. Reilly, Trump had previously expressed interest in possibly bailing people out, until he learned that the federal system has no cash bail.) Then Trump himself was indicted, in four criminal cases, and he soon took to highlighting his own victimhood and martyrdom—comparing himself to Jesus on the Cross, with wounds on his “beautiful” body. Before long, he was also casting himself as a savior who would bring justice to these unfairly maligned patriots.
Trump opened the campaign for his second Presidential term in Waco, Texas, the site of the infamous F.B.I. siege of the Branch Davidian compound. He put his hand on his heart and played “Justice for All,” a version of the national anthem in which his own voice is spliced with January 6th participants singing as a choir from the D.C. jail. He often refers to Jackson and the approximately five hundred other riot participants who are now incarcerated as hostages or political prisoners. The braiding of his own cause with theirs became a centerpiece of his bid for office. He has promised to “free the hostages” as soon as he is reëlected—and to enact retribution on those who put them away.
As the January 6th investigations unfolded, some members of prominent militia groups, such as the Proud Boys, were convicted in high-profile cases. Enrique Tarrio, the former leader of the Proud Boys, was sentenced to more than two decades in prison; Stewart Rhodes, of the Oath Keepers, got eighteen years. Several of the more garish participants, among them the QAnon Shaman, with his horned headdress and American-flag-painted face, became minor celebrities. Many Americans are still being arrested and charged in cases that continue to play out almost every day at the federal courthouse in Washington, D.C. Court documents reveal the myriad ways these participants narrate their pilgrimages to the Capitol. (One man: “It was what the founding fathers intended.” Another, per his lawyers filing, “returned home in a haze and . . . quickly identified the pernicious roots of his participation: his internet addiction, his alcohol abuse, his social isolation.”)
At rallies, Trump has connected his own legal fate to that of the J6ers, as they are being called, and of everyday citizens. “Theyre not after me,” he says. “Theyre after you. I just happen to be standing in the way.” Recent events have complicated that narrative. In one of Trumps cases, he was charged with “obstruction of an official proceeding” for disrupting the certification of the 2020 Presidential election. Hundreds of January 6th participants have been charged with the same crime. On June 28th, the Supreme Court ruled that prosecutors had overstepped in using the obstruction charge; Trump deemed the verdict “BIG NEWS!” and shared a post on Truth Social that called it “a massive victory for J6 political prisoners,” many of whom, like Trump, are now likely to have the charge dropped. But the vast majority of rioters convicted of obstruction were also charged with other felonies, meaning their sentences wont materially change.
Then, in early July, the Supreme Court gave Trump broad immunity from prosecution for official actions he took while in office, suggesting that he may never be held to account for anything that happened on January 6th the way his supporters have been. Despite the former Presidents recent legal winning streak, Brian Jackson and others like him remain incarcerated. They feel that their futures are in limbo, contingent upon the outcome of the upcoming election. If Trump wins, will he undo the Justice Departments biggest investigation ever in order to set them free?
For more than seven hundred days, Perryman stood outside the D.C. jail for a nightly vigil, where supporters of the J6ers gather to take calls from inmates, pray, and sing the national anthem. Micki Witthoeft, whose daughter, Ashli Babbitt, was shot by police while climbing through a window of the Capitol on January 6th, started the vigil. When Perryman first arrived in D.C., she had nowhere to stay and no plans, but someone had sent her Witthoefts number. “My mom had just died, and when Micki came to the door and just gave me this big hug, I was, like, Heres my mom,” she told me.
This spring, I fell into the habit of going to the vigil, which convenes at the dead end of a residential street behind the jail. When I arrived the first time I was greeted with “Hi, patriot!” A few other regular attendees were there: a Chinese American family from the area; a woman from a nearby homeless shelter, who dances with an American flag; a live-streamer who lives in a van. Just before 9 *P.M.*, they joined hands in a circle. “We pray for our patriots that are being denied freedom,” Perryman said. “This country will return to you and to the rule of law, where justice is blind.” The group read a roll call of every incarcerated J6 participant, following each name with a chant of “Hero.” I leaned against the stone wall of the Congressional Cemetery, the first national burial ground, which borders the makeshift gathering; Capitol Hill residents sometimes walk their dogs among the tombstones as the vigil goes on. Floodlights shone down on us.
Several thousand viewers regularly tune in to live streams of the vigil, the second-longest-running in Washington. (The protest at the nuclear-disarmament tent outside the White House, which has been around since 1981, holds the record.) Trump has called in to the vigil to talk to Witthoeft; Babbitt, an Air Force veteran who died with a bloodied Trump flag wrapped around her as a cape, has become something of a *MAGA* martyr. “Were with you,” Trump told Witthoeft. Congressman Matt Gaetz once came to pay his respects (and to seize on the opportunity to connect with the base). When he arrived, Perryman was on the phone with one of the “hostages.” Gaetz told him, “I just want to say how sorry I am that there are any Americans that are having to endure this two-tier justice system.”
Every evening, Perryman, Witthoeft, and Nicole Reffitt—whose husband, Guy, a member of the anti-government movement the Three Percenters, was the first rioter to go on trial—fielded calls from the “hostages” and speculated about their futures. (By the time I visited, the three women had lived together in Washington, in a rented house northeast of the Capitol, for a year and a half.) On most nights, just a few other people would come, unfolding flimsy camping chairs in the shadow of the jail. They would smoke cigarettes and huddle around a folding table littered with snacks and bottles of soda and self-published books about pardons.
Listening to Perryman and Jackson talk to each other on the phone was a nightly ritual; hed call in and shed hold the phone up to a microphone connected to a loudspeaker. His voice blared into the night in fifteen-minute increments, until an automated voice announced that the call was ending. Sometimes theyd just chat about their past, in Texas—“Remember that armadillo we saw?”—but frequently Jackson brought up Trump and his Presidential campaign. “The guys feel like this election is their lives hanging in the balance, because it truly is that way,” Perryman told me. “They could be either coming home in eight months, or theyre starting a twelve-year bid.” She looked down at my notebook. “It is our last stand,” she said. “If we dont win in November, then theres going to be an eruption. Theres no point being peaceful if democracys gone.” I watched what appeared to be a nearby surveillance van get a food delivery from a man on a moped. A local mother, walking out of the jail with her children after visiting a family member, stopped by the snack table; she didnt seem to know what the gathering was about. Reffitt handed the kids oranges and cookies.
Perryman, Witthoeft, and Reffitts house had become something of a central node for a quixotic network of families connected to the January 6th cause. Perryman asked me over several times but would always rescind the invitation, when it turned out that a January 6th participant who hadnt been caught might be stopping by, or that a mother whose son was about to be sentenced, and who was staying with them before the hearing, wanted to be left alone. On Sunday, after church, the three women would sit down to plan the week—whats on the court docket, what hearings they want to go see, which families coming to town for trials might need support—and then make dinner. Afterward, Witthoeft and Reffitt watched British crime dramas downstairs; Perryman watched American crime procedurals upstairs. When theyre running errands, Reffitt sometimes gets recognized from media coverage of Guys trial. “Neighbors see my car now and theyre, like, Shes just grocery shopping, shes not trying to insurrect,” Reffitt said.
The mood outside the jail sometimes came across as a bit desolate, as if I were at a protest for a lost cause or a book reading where only a few people had shown up. The evening that Trumps guilty verdict came down, on thirty-four felony counts related to hush-money payments made before the 2016 Presidential election, the mood was jubilant. “Welcome to the club, Donald Trump,” Perryman said.
“The guys feel like itll energize and activate people,” Reffitt said. She pulled out her phone to show me a message Guy had sent her that afternoon, from his federal-prison cell in Oklahoma: “DJT is one of us now.”
Perryman lit a cigarette. “Trump absolutely is in the same situation as our husbands,” she said. “He just has more resources. Hes not going to lose Mar-a-Lago. His trucks are paid off. He doesnt have a public defender.” She was blasting “Indicted We Stand,” a song by Loza Alexander, one of several popular *MAGA* rappers, from a loudspeaker: “After Trump / I believe they after us all / had enough / the justice system is about to fall.”
Brian Jackson called in to the vigil, his voice crackling through the speaker. “These people are shooting themselves in the foot,” he said, of the judge and the jury in Trumps case. “Its gonna be you one day—now they can crush their opponents by jailing them.” That night, additional police officers were on duty across Washington, and there were extra guards in the D.C. jail, in case the January 6th defendants rioted inside. According to Jackson, he and his fellow-J6ers were actually resolute and hopeful—help was on the way. “Trump told us, Sit back and wait, hes coming for us,” he said. “Reparations are coming. Its coming together when we get out. Our lives are going to be amazing.”
By the time I met Perryman, Witthoeft, and Reffitt, they had attended more than five hundred days of January 6th hearings, sentencings, and trials. “I was a stay-at-home mom for seventeen years before this,” Reffitt told me. “I was in shock and awe, sitting there in my first trial. Its very intimidating to hear your last name up versus the government, and you need a support system.” The day after Trumps verdict, I went with Perryman and Reffitt, both in pink blouses, to the sentencing of John Todd, a former marine from Missouri whom a jury had convicted of obstruction of an official proceeding and assaulting an officer. (“Weve exhausted every fucking legal route,” Todd had shouted after entering the Rotunda with a flagpole.) Todds aunt, mother, sister, and grandmother—who was in a wheelchair and using an oxygen machine—had travelled to Washington for the hearing.
Todds lawyers were John Pierce—who has represented more than twenty January 6th defendants, and was briefly on Kyle Rittenhouses defense team—and Roger Roots, a libertarian activist based in Montana who has founded an online anti-government university and helped to defend the Bundy family after their armed standoffs with federal agencies. Pierce has said that he believes élites stole the 2020 election from Trump; last year, he tweeted at the Justice Department to drop all charges against January 6th defendants. “If you do not, I will destroy your careers and any remaining institutional legitimacy you may have. You have been warned,” he wrote. Perryman and Reffitt rolled their eyes when they saw him. (Before taking on the January 6th defendants, Pierce had never tried a criminal case.)
On January 6th, Todd and a police officer had struggled back and forth with Todds flagpole. The pole snapped, and Todd jerked it out of the officers hand, cutting the officers finger, which required seven stitches. “Many people get a cut of the same size and dont get stitches,” Roots said, arguing that it was barely an injury. “The flagpole could not be a weapon by any stretch of the imagination. Its a trick of conceptualization that the government is doing.” The judge, Beryl Howell, responded, “Mr. Roots, your view of reality is so different that it is sometimes difficult to have a conversation.”
Todd was ordered to pay two thousand dollars in restitution for property damage that occurred on the sixth; Roots asked the government to provide an itemized bill for the estimated $2.9 million of total damage to the Capitol. The government lawyer thumbed frantically through his binders. Howell, visibly annoyed, suggested that prosecutors had squandered an opportunity “to explain to the public what happened to the Capitol building.” She went on, “There are still people who believe—possibly sitting in this room—that nothing happened at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.” She looked at Todd and his family. A lawyer for the government said, “I would suggest that some of those people arent persuadable by facts.” Reffitt caught my eye and mouthed, “Wow”—here was the two-tier justice system, weaponized against ordinary Americans, that she and Perryman kept telling me about.
Todds aunt and sister delivered statements about his character to the judge. Todd put his head face down on the table as they each approached the bench and described physical and sexual abuse that had occurred in his childhood, repeated suicide attempts, P.T.S.D. from serving in Afghanistan. “He has never had a father to teach him when to speak or when to be silent,” his aunt said. “He has always been a pawn in somebodys hand.” She said that Todd had suffered from undiagnosed vitamin deficiencies for many years and had recently started taking supplements for them. Without these problems, she theorized, perhaps his life could have had a different outcome. “What you see may not look like a patriot, but he was willing to give his life so that we could all sit in this courtroom and have this democracy,” she said.
Howell countered that Todd wanted to “stop democracy in its tracks” and had shown no remorse. “I havent seen a change of perspective on what happened,” she said. “You believe that the Presidential election was stolen.” She went on, “Potential continued belief in that is of very great concern to me, requiring specific deterrence.” Later, when I caught up with Roots, he told me, “John Todd speaks for half the population of this country.” The prosecutions sentencing memo notes that each January 6th conviction is designed to “send a message about the importance of democratic values,” but Trump and a large portion of the electorate see Todd and his fellow-defendants as the ones who protected democracy. (Republican sympathy for the rioters has increased in the past three years; more than half of self-described conservatives say that January 6th was an act of “legitimate political discourse” rather than a “violent insurrection.”)
Howell sentenced Todd to five years in prison. She denied Rootss request that Todd be allowed to hug his grandmother. A U.S. marshal escorted him out of the room as his family cried. At almost the exact same time, the former President was at Trump Tower in New York giving a post-verdict press conference, in which he called the judge in his own case a devil and said that the only verdict that matters will come in November. Hordes of fans had attended Trumps trial each day, and his campaign had raised more than fifty million dollars in the twenty-four hours after the verdict was announced. Todds last stand was this empty courtroom. He was granted a reprieve from paying any fines on top of the previously ordered restitution, owing to his lack of funds.
After previous uprisings in American history—the Whiskey Rebellion, the Civil War—Presidents granted amnesty to members of the losing side. Perryman, Witthoeft, and Reffitt arent in favor of such blanket pardons for the J6 rioters. This is partly because they think pardons could curtail further investigation into what they believe really happened—Democratic setup, “fed-surrection,” etc.—but also because they think some violent offenders shouldnt be let off the hook. Despite increasingly frequent invocations of the “hostages” on the campaign trail, Trump has specifically committed to pardoning only one rioter, Matthew Perna, who killed himself after pleading guilty to disorderly conduct, among other charges. (“The justice system killed his spirit and his zest for life,” Pernas family wrote in his obituary.) Trumps campaign has said that he will make further decisions “on a case-by-case basis when he is back in the White House.” During much of the summer, the campaign seemed to be distancing itself from the more aggressive actors. But, in late July, when asked if he would pardon rioters who assaulted officers, Trump responded, “Oh, absolutely I would, if theyre innocent.”
In 1863, Abraham Lincoln indicated, in his annual message to Congress, that the reconstruction of the South after the Civil War would include amnesty terms for former Confederates. Two years later, President Andrew Johnson did extend amnesty to most Confederate soldiers and officials, on the condition that they first take an oath to “henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.” Stephanie McCurry, a historian at Columbia University who specializes in the Reconstruction period, told me that the Civil War-era pardons and loyalty oaths were more about reunification than accountability. “It started to look like there would be a gentle peace, not a peace of retribution,” she said. “But the gentle peace completely backfired. Though the war was over, the conflict was ongoing as a low-grade political and paramilitary war—none of those issues died, and there was unresolved, festering grievance.” (The Confederates who were pardoned by Johnson after signing their loyalty oaths had, of course, taken an oath of allegiance to the Confederacy just a few years before. “You would have had to remake human subjectivity for most of them to mentally accept Emancipation,” McCurry said.) The judges in the January 6th cases have focussed on countering the very ideas that brought the defendants to the Capitol in the first place—namely, that the 2020 election was stolen and so its certification had to be stopped. “Political violence rots republics,” one judge wrote, in his sentencing notes. “January 6 must not become a precedent.” Whether it does is an open question, given how firmly many of the rioters hold on to their beliefs and how many Americans continue to align with them.
Taylor Johnatakis, a septic-system installer from Washington State who called out “One, two, three, go!” from a megaphone as he led a crowd that pushed past a police barricade on January 6th, and later exclaimed “Its 1776 again,” was recently sentenced to more than seven years for assaulting law-enforcement officers. Johnatakis, who represented himself at trial, maintained that he is a “sovereign citizen,” meaning that he doubts the legitimacy of the federal government, and as such isnt subject to federal laws. “I chose to get rowdy,” he wrote on his Web site. “At that time I felt it was a right born of necessity.” At the recent sentencing of a geophysicist from Colorado who maintained that he was motivated by “patriotic rage” to answer a “call to battle,” the judge said, “It doesnt take much imagination to imagine a similar call coming out in the coming months.”
Others have said that they are sorry and renounced their views. Elias Irizarry, a student at the Citadel military school who was nineteen when he entered the Capitol and walked around for a few minutes, wrote a letter of apology to Judge Tanya Chutkan, saying that his participation brought shame upon himself and his country. (Chutkan is also presiding over Trumps January 6th case.) “This is not who you are,” she told Irizarry, before sentencing him to fourteen days in jail. She later wrote a letter of recommendation in support of his readmission to the Citadel, in which she quoted the civil-rights lawyer Bryan Stevenson: “Each of us is more than the worst thing weve ever done.” Irizarry went on to launch a failed bid for Congress in South Carolina; it was unclear whether his participation in the riot benefitted or detracted from his candidacy.
Jamie Raskin, the Democratic congressman from Maryland, met with J6 participants as part of his work on the January 6th Committee hearings. When I called him recently, he brought up Pam Hemphill, a grandmother who had stormed the Capitol, pleaded guilty, gone to jail for two months, and recently apologized, as a case that inspired him. “She said, Stop talking about me as some victim of injustice. I went to jail because I deserved it, because of what I did,’ ” he told me. “She totally rebukes Trump now.” Still, Raskin admitted that someone like Brian Jackson might need a cult deprogrammer to see things the same way. “There are some who break, and there are some who just become more ardent true believers,” he told me. And the prospect of pardons was deeply troubling. He went on, “In the past, Trump was basically pardoning his inner political coterie—Michael Flynn, Paul Manafort, Roger Stone. When he says hes going to pardon hundreds of January 6th convicted felons, he is pardoning the political shock troops for the next round of mass violence.”
Now more than ever, the political coterie and the shock troops are aligned. Peter Navarro, a former Trump White House adviser who was convicted for refusing to testify before the January 6th Committee, served four months in federal prison and emerged defiant—he travelled straight from prison to the Republican National Convention. (Steve Bannon is now also in prison for defying the same subpoena.) For months, I had heard Navarros name read aloud with the other “hostages” at the vigil; at the Convention, he was received onstage during prime-time coverage as a hero and a martyr. “I went to prison so you wont have to,” he told the delegates. He brought his fiancée out to give him a kiss. “When they put people like me in prison, and they fire figurative and now literal bullets at Donald Trump, they also assault our families. On Election Day, America will hold these lawfare jackals accountable.”
Many J6ers remain similarly resolute. “I think Guy feels more strongly now than ever that he was right in going, because of everything that has come out since January 6th,” Nicole Reffitt told me. “A lot of people have been broken and begged for forgiveness and denounced Trump. I dont want them on my side. To denounce everything—there is no integrity in that. Im sorry if it broke them, but its not fair to blame Trump.” But even within J6 families there are fissures. The first time I went to the vigil, I met Reffitts daughters, Sarah and Peyton, who are both in their twenties now. “Im sorry,” Sarah said to me, when I told her I was from D.C., “about what happened here.”
The prosecution argued that Guy, who had stood on the Capitol steps with zip ties, body armor, a megaphone, and a handgun, had “lit the match that started the fire.” It was Guys son, Jackson, who turned his dad in to the F.B.I., then testified against him in court and on CNN; the news media held up the Reffitts as the embodiment of a shattered, post-insurrection American family. “We really ended up despising Trump more after January 6th,” Sarah told me. “After slowly seeing so many people like my dad get charged with what theyre getting charged with . . . I know Trump also got charged, but it just seems like the effect isnt there as it would be on smaller families or on families without as much influence or power or money. I really started hating him then.”
After Guys sentencing—five felonies, seven and a half years—Peyton told reporters outside the courthouse that Trump deserves life in prison. “I could really see how my fathers ego and personality fell to his knees when President Trump spoke,” she wrote, in a letter to the court. “I just mean to convey that the language used by the President of the United States has real effects on American citizens.” In jail, her father receives trash bags full of letters of admiration for his heroism on January 6th. Sarah told me, “Some of these letters, I read them and theyre just, like, Youre the next forefather of this country, and its, like, a kid writing it.”
Years before Tami Perryman got together with Brian Jackson, he was arrested for a string of violent crimes, including assault causing bodily injury and aggravated robbery. He was sentenced to fifteen years in prison, where he joined the White Knights, a white-supremacist prison gang, and got their symbols tattooed on his eyelids and all over his body. Jackson has said that hes since left the group. “Mr. Jacksons body, unfortunately, is covered with reminders of the sins of his past, and while his preference would be for those not to exist, he at this time cannot afford to rectify it,” reads a filing from his attorney in his January 6th case. He “wants to remove his tattoos, just like the beliefs,” the filing says. He hasnt.
Andrew Taake, the owner of a pressure-washing business in his early thirties who had made the trip to the Capitol, went on the dating app Bumble not long afterward, and flirted with a match by sharing photos of himself in the action. (Taake sprayed police officers with bear repellent; he was also on pretrial release for a child-solicitation case.) His potential date pieced together his full name and sent it to the F.B.I.; Taake was later charged with assaulting law-enforcement officers, and recently sentenced to more than six years in prison. After January 6th, some Americans who felt helpless and at loose ends, many of them working remotely because of the pandemic, took part in similar online activities, which came to be referred to as “sedition hunting.” They would pore over hours and hours of video footage from the riot, zooming in on faces of their countrymen in the crowd to try to identify participants. “The more I watched, the more I felt like I had lost control over what this country was supposed to be,” the D.C. woman who caught Taake on Bumble has said. Identifying him gave her a sense of productive civic duty. (“Knowing what I do now, I probably would have hung back,” Taake told me by phone from the D.C. jail, before he was sentenced. “I was not in love with Trump, and now my future is tied to him.”)
One of these so-called sedition hunters built a facial-recognition engine and used it to match an image of Taylor Johnatakis, the septic-system installer, to an F.B.I. “Wanted” poster. Johnatakis had for years recorded a podcast called “Peasants Perspective,” about living off the grid with his family. “The premise of the podcast was that no matter what the government does, we peasants have to stay focussed on our families, and in many cases, survive day to day,” Johnatakis wrote. I spoke to his wife, Marie, who told me, “We saw ourselves as not really polarized. We just felt like, Rome will come and go, the United States will do whatever they do, but we still have to make a living and feed our families.” When Johnatakis went to prison, Marie started reading “[The Righteous Mind](https://www.amazon.com/Righteous-Mind-Divided-Politics-Religion/dp/0141039167),” by Jonathan Haidt, which argues that people make decisions based on moral intuition, not reason. “People have these principles that are righteous for them,” she said. “Were all rational in our own minds.” When we spoke, she was in the process of selling their house so that she and their five children, whom she homeschools, could downsize and try to move closer to the Missouri prison where Johnatakis is serving his sentence. She maintains her complete support for her husbands actions and cause, but also recently wrote on her blog that she has no hate or judgment for those on the jury who convicted him.
Not long ago, I talked to the sedition hunter who identified Johnatakis. During the pandemic, he was working as a health-care technologist; as soon as he finished his telework job, he would turn to sedition hunting, sitting in front of three monitors in his apartment and working until four in the morning. Johnatakis was the first person he caught, but the rush of excitement that came with solving a puzzle quickly turned to guilt. He had started listening to Johnatakiss podcast to find information for the F.B.I., but then he kept listening. “I just really got to know him from afar, understanding how he thinks, and I developed this sense of, I dont know, empathy, and sorrow for having him get arrested,” the hunter, who goes by the moniker Patr10tic, told me.
The picture that emerged from the podcast, Patr10tic said, was “the family man, the hardworking American. I grew up in a pretty Mormon population, and so did he. I think, in general, this is somebody who loves his country, and somebody who believes that he was doing the right thing. . . . A lot of these people, they think that not only are they doing the right thing, they think that they have been asked by their Commander-in-Chief to do something for him.” Early on, the term “sedition hunter” hadnt been coined yet, and so the sleuth just referred to himself as a patriot. Of his moniker, Patr10tic told me, “Ive had to come to the hard realization that a lot of these people use the same word to describe themselves, and that, if anything, has driven a lot of the empathy that I have.”
One day, I met Perryman and Reffitt at Union Market, a gleaming, gentrified food hall in Northeast Washington. Perryman ordered red beans and rice and a vanilla ice cream; Reffitt drank an Aperol spritz from a plastic cup. They had come to Washington because they wanted their husbands to be released, but now they found themselves interested in reforming the judicial and prison systems theyd seen up close. “Everyone can relate to having a family or friend in jail and just wanting humane treatment while waiting for their trial,” Reffitt told me.
“Weve sat in Jim Jordans office to talk to him about the Bureau of Prisons,” Perryman said. They wanted him to pay attention to the psychological danger of solitary confinement and the importance of family visitation.
The “hostage” situation at the D.C. jail has led to an investigation of the conditions in the facility, which criminal-justice activists have for many years called inhumane. (Last year, Marjorie Taylor Greene and other Republican members of the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability toured the jail, though they only visited the wing where J6ers are held.) Perryman, Reffitt, and Witthoeft have also attended congressional hearings; the committee theyre most interested in, they told me, is probably the House Committee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, which purports to root out corruption in the Biden Administration, the D.O.J., and the F.B.I. “There are a couple of people on the Democratic side we want to have conversations with,” Reffitt said. “Remember that woman on Oversight who wanted to talk about reform?”
“No, I think she wanted to say how traumatized she was by J6,” Perryman said.
Part of their newfound civic engagement grew out of the notion that a blind faith in Trump isnt enough. Reffitt told me, “Whats happening to me is bigger than Trump. Hes not a savior. We cant expect him to come in and fix everything.” They didnt presume the former President to be the ultimate hero—in their minds, the populist grassroots movement that Trump spurred would have to live on without him.
“He uses us—they all use us,” Perryman said.
“What if Guy doesnt love me anymore when he gets out?” Reffitt asked, ordering another Aperol spritz. “Before, I was always just this enigma of positivity.”
“You mean, what if he doesnt appreciate this strong woman that has come out of the fire?” Perryman said. “Its a legitimate fear, because youre not the same person you were when Guy went in.” She added, “Thirty-five per cent of marriages fail because of incarceration.”
Another evening, at the vigil, Reffitt told me, “January 6th reunited the American spirit that was dwindling. You and your countrymen have so much faith in this beautiful experiment that weve all been part of for over two hundred and fifty years. The systems are set up really amazing. Our system of government is so beautiful. Its better than anything else that has come about in the world. But you have to participate. You have to be present.” Perryman said, “We cant have a revolution by being nice, but there are so many ways to become activated. It doesnt have to be extreme—poll-watching, flag-waving, paying attention to local politics, like your sheriff and judges, letter-writing campaigns.” Perryman would often make comments like this, about her reverence for American democracy, and then proceed to ask, “What if the next thing the Biden regime does is go after people like us?” She told me that an uprising was coming if Trump loses in November, but also expressed confidence in the countrys electoral processes, flaws and all. Neither she nor Reffitt seemed to register any tension between these ideas.
Brian Jackson was sentenced last week. At the hearing, the prosecutor read a text that Jackson had sent to his brother the day before the riot: “they are saying civil unrest is gonna happen. I cant fucking wait!!” Jacksons lawyer promised the judge that, going forward, “you will have an apolitical man who is aware of consequences.” He went on, “God forbid something like this happens again in 2025, but he will not be there.” Then Jackson addressed the judge, crying. Of January 6th, he said, “We didnt have the wives there to tell us we couldnt do things. It was a free-for-all.” The judge sentenced Jackson to thirty-seven months in prison. “I dont know whats in your heart,” he concluded. Jackson waved and blew a kiss to Perryman as he was escorted out by U.S. marshals.
I left the courthouse with Perryman. She was driving back to Texas that afternoon, where she planned to look for work, maybe cleaning houses or laying floorboards. “I will become more involved in prison reform and judicial reform than Ive ever been before,” she told me. By the time we walked outside, she was saying, “Were done using the system. I think that if there were a way to light a fire and burn the system down, I would do it happily. Maybe even gleefully. ” When I asked her about the promise that Jackson had made to remain apolitical, she told me, "Theres a certain amount of wordplay that has to happen in these courtrooms—you kind of have to play a little bit of a game.”
On Memorial Day, I had met up with a group of several dozen January 6th families and supporters who came to D.C. for the Ashli Babbitt Memorial March, from the Capitol to the D.C. jail. Perryman was wearing a hat shaped like Trumps hair. I fell into step with a man Ill call David, who, lowering his voice, asked me to promise not to turn him in. “I havent been caught yet,” he said. The humidity was thick, and residents of Capitol Hill, cooling off on their stoops, watched as the group made its way down Constitution Avenue, chanting “U.S.A.” and waving Trump flags. They were flanked by police on motorcycles and a counter-protester with a bullhorn who shrieked “Ashli Babbitt died a traitor!” into a megaphone.
When we arrived at the jail, we gathered under a tarp, next to a buffet of hot dogs and sheet cakes from Whole Foods with Babbitts face printed on them. I stood with Ben Pollock, whose thirty-three-year-old son and twenty-four-year-old daughter allegedly assaulted law-enforcement officers on January 6th. Both are in jail, in D.C., awaiting trial. (They both have pleaded not guilty.) Pollock and his wife had driven nineteen hours from Florida. “My children wanted somebody to look at election integrity, thats it,” Pollock said. “We just wanted equal justice.” A woman whom he referred to as his manager interrupted us. “*The New Yorker* is very liberal,” she said. “Are you going to call his children insurrectionists?” She started to film us but walked off mid-conversation. Pollock was telling me about the time the F.B.I. came to his house to make the arrests. “We were raided,” he said. “They came in at 5:30 *A.M.* on a bullhorn. We live in a small farming community. All the neighbors heard so many flash-bangs go off they thought they killed us. I thought P.T.S.D. was a joke, but we all had it.” In D.C., the Pollocks had parked their truck on the street outside Perrymans house, and locals smeared feces on it. “Now, write this down,” he told me. “I was born in 1962, the year they took prayer out of our schools. The next year they took the Bible out. My whole life is seeing America decline.” He continued, “Those who defended truth need to be pardoned.”
It began to rain as Perryman read out the list of “hostages.” “Today, we commemorate all those who gave everything for us. We cannot forget their sacrifice. You patriots are amazing,” she said. Pollock stared up at the sky, into the downpour, and waved an American flag. The group chanted “Hero” as thunder and lightning started, then joined hands as Pollock led them in prayer. Someone held an umbrella over me as he preached about the existential stakes of the election. “Father, we know youll open up the heavens and our people will be let go,” Pollock said. “Father, wake them up—2024 is *it*.” The protester was still screaming “Traitor!” into her bullhorn. Pollock went on, “If we dont get it right, right now—Lord, I dont want to see this country go. I want to see this country stand for truth.” ♦
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Gardner is living what is increasingly becoming known online as the “soft life”. As a millennial, she is part of a generation brought up to take pride in hard work, who now find themselves in the midst of a cost of living crisis and the third recession of their lifetimes. As Gabrielle Judge, better known online as the Anti Work Girlboss, says: “You think your managers will take care of you? Your job will take care of you? That really crumbled for millennials, especially during the 2008 recession.” Gardner is living what is increasingly becoming known online as the “soft life”. As a millennial, she is part of a generation brought up to take pride in hard work, who now find themselves in the midst of a cost of living crisis and the third recession of their lifetimes. As Gabrielle Judge, better known online as the Anti Work Girlboss, says: “You think your managers will take care of you? Your job will take care of you? That really crumbled for millennials, especially during the 2008 recession.”
For millennials and the younger generation Z and Alphas, who may never be able to afford to buy a home or retire at a reasonable age, there is a growing feeling online that hard work is fortifying a system that, at best, is giving them nothing back and, at worst, is actively screwing them over. And so the “soft life” revolution was born where the priority is no longer about working yourself to the bone to be a #girlboss or “leaning in” to the corporate male world, as former Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg wrote, and pushing until you “have it all”. The goal of a softer life is more time and energy for what makes you happy and as little time as possible focusing on what doesnt. For millennials and the younger generation Z and Alphas, who may never be able to afford to buy a home or retire at a reasonable age, there is a growing feeling online that hard work is fortifying a system that, at best, is giving them nothing back and, at worst, is actively screwing them over. And so the “soft life” revolution was born where the priority is no longer about working yourself to the bone to be a `#girlboss` or “leaning in” to the corporate male world, as former Facebook COO Sheryl Sandberg wrote, and pushing until you “have it all”. The goal of a softer life is more time and energy for what makes you happy and as little time as possible focusing on what doesnt.
![I equated being successful with doing something I didnt like … Rose Gardner in her studio.](https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/f77f7e5490eba54b77a0dc4043265b2badba7b2f/0_709_6496_4361/master/6496.jpg?width=445&dpr=1&s=none) ![I equated being successful with doing something I didnt like … Rose Gardner in her studio.](https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/f77f7e5490eba54b77a0dc4043265b2badba7b2f/0_709_6496_4361/master/6496.jpg?width=445&dpr=1&s=none)

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# These Are the Best Texas-Style Barbecue Joints in America
Barbecue is our countrys greatest contribution to the food world. What [began as whole animals](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/from-barbycu-to-barbecue-book/) being basted with flavorful sauce while slowly roasting over coals outdoors eventually became known as Southern barbecue. From there, regional styles developed, and they became more rigid as restaurants gained popularity in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Then barbecue came indoors with help from offset smokers and enclosed rotisseries. The last decade has seen a surge of barbecue joints opening across the United States. Some places serve Carolina whole hogs, Kansas City burnt ends, or Memphis dry-rub ribs, but the majority dont bother to open without Texas smoked brisket. Whats more, were also seeing trays full of beef ribs, sausages, spareribs, and pinto beans. Its clear that Texas barbecue has become American barbecue.
I first pondered this hypothesis in December 2022, when I took a trip to the Los Angeles area to try Heritage Barbecue, Moos Craft Barbecue, and Rays Texas BBQ. I had heard buzz about all three but arrived with some serious skepticism that Californians could produce barbecue that held up against the best in Texas. I was wrong, and I came back home curious about where else I could find brisket that good outside of Texas.
I pitched a wild and expensive idea to my editors to travel the country in search of the best Texas-style barbecue joints. They agreed, and I started the journey in earnest last June, when I drove to Ohio and back with my kids (my wife was spared from that trip), eating smoked meat all along the way. Including that trip, Ive eaten at 149 joints in 37 states to narrow the list down to the 53 best. There are some important caveats to note.
I only covered the lower 48—well, 47, since Texas isnt included. (Well take care of that next year with a fresh [Top 50 barbecue list](https://www.texasmonthly.com/interactive/top-50-bbq-2021/).) If you have favorites in Alaska and Hawaii, please send them on. This list includes only joints that claim Texas in their identity, barbecue foundation, or both. We also did not include trucks or pop-ups with unpredictable locations and hours of operation.
In this list, I also tip my hat to the “pioneers” of Texas-style barbecue outside of Texas—a handful of joints that helped spread the good word to new audiences starting more than a decade ago—as well as to the “newcomers,” joints that opened in 2023 and 2024. There are also many places I visited and loved that didnt fit into the Texas genre, and some places I didnt get to visit but hope to soon. (See my post on [honorable mentions](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/united-states-of-texas-bbq-honorable-mentions/).)
Travel-worthy Texas barbecue hasnt yet reached every state, but its astonishing to see how quickly our style has been adopted across the country. The Texas influence can be found on the menu of nearly every new barbecue joint that opens, and cooking with all wood has never been more popular. Customers from Connecticut to California are not only familiar with smoked brisket—they demand it. Like any cuisine, barbecue will continue to transform, but for now, new joints are looking to Texas for inspiration. And those who know and love Texas barbecue are grateful for it.
## The Top 10
#### 1.     [Palmira Barbecue, SC](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-palmira-barbecue)
#### 2.    [Prime Barbecue, NC](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-prime-barbecue)
#### 3.    [Owens & Hull, GA](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-owens-amp-hull)
#### 4.    [Moos Craft Barbecue, CA](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-moo-s-craft-barbecue)
#### 5.    [Heritage Barbecue, CA](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-heritage-barbecue)
#### 6.    [Southern Junction, NY](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-southern-junction)
#### 7.    [Pica Rica BBQ, UT](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-pica-rica-bbq)
#### 8.    [Jon Gs Barbecue, NC](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-jon-g-s-barbecue)
#### 9.    [Edge Craft Barbecue, OK](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-edge-craft-barbecue)
#### 10.  [Golden Hour Barbecue, NE](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-united-states-of-texas-barbecue/#h-golden-hour-barbecue)
## Arizona
#### Phoenix
### Little Miss BBQ
Scott Holmes had a culinary-school education, but he left the restaurant industry when, on a visit to the parents of  his soon-to-be wife, Bekke, he tried the Salt Lick in Driftwood, thirty minutes southwest of Austin, for the first time. He was hooked, and he and Bekke entered several barbecue competitions. After some success, they decided Phoenix needed a Central Texasstyle joint. First they had to convince reluctant city authorities to allow the use of offset smokers. A health department official also said they needed more cooler space for the leftovers—but they werent going to have any leftovers. In 2014, [**Little Miss BBQ**](https://littlemissbbq.com/) was one of the [**first joints outside Texas**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/little-miss-bbq/) to go all in on the Texas craft barbecue model: smoke only the amount of meat you can do incredibly well, slice it fresh for each customer, and put up a Sold Out sign when its gone. Besides the great brisket and ribs, Little Miss BBQ has been making its own sausages since day one. And dont miss the smoked pecan pie for dessert. You can also find Little Miss BBQ at a second location, in Sunnyslope, twenty minutes north of downtown Phoenix, which opened in 2018.
**Pro tip**: Little Miss BBQ recently opened sister restaurant Full Speed to focus on ribs and Nashville hot chicken.
![Pioneer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Pioneer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=179&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
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## Arkansas
#### Russellville
### Ridgewood Brothers BBQ
Robert Couser and Grant Hall arent brothers, but theyve been friends since fourth grade, growing up on Ridgewood Drive in Russellville, Arkansas. A shared love for barbecue convinced them to open a food truck together in 2017, and the [**Ridgewood Brothers BBQ**](https://www.ridgewoodbrosbbq.com/) brick-and-mortar followed in 2022. The menu is written in Sharpie on butcher paper, and so are a few history lessons about the German and Czech influences on the Central Texasstyle of barbecue the friends serve. Brisket is the prize here, but dont sleep on the juicy turkey. Smoked sausages are made in-house, and the bacon burnt ends are perfectly tender. Several desserts are always available, but look for the orange creamsicle pie on the specials board.
**Pro tip**: The Cheesy Jalapeño Rice Grits (similar to corn grits, but smoother) are a must-order.
#### Little Rock
### Wrights Barbecue
Jordan Wright had his first bite of juicy brisket at the Salt Lick, in 2014, and was immediately hooked on barbecue. After moonlighting as a food truck operator, Wright was ready to make the jump to a permanent building. His banker father considered his business plan too shaky to give him a loan to renovate an [**old house in Johnson**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/wrights-barbecue-fayetteville-arkansas/), outside the college town of Fayetteville, so he got the capital from a different bank. The location opened in 2017. Three more have followed, including one in Little Rock that opened last year. Thats where Ive had my best meal at [**Wrights Barbecue**](https://www.wrightsbbq.com/). The chicken bacon ranch sandwich, with sliced smoked chicken, bacon burnt ends, and house-made ranch, is a revelation. The ribs are peppery, sweet, and tender, and even the lean brisket is juicy. Mashed potatoes are an unusual barbecue side, but they dont disappoint, and the shells and cheese are something special too.
**Pro tip**: Theres just one dessert option, but thankfully, its one of the best banana puddings youll ever eat.
## California
#### El Granada
### Breakwater Barbecue
El Granada is right on the Pacific, and pitmaster Wyatt Fields loved surfing those waves long before he found barbecue. Just before the pandemic, in 2020, he opened [Breakwater Barbecue](https://www.breakwaterbbq.com/) in a renovated house with a view of the water. Takeout orders sustained the new business, and its now a [community staple](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/bay-area-california-barbecue/) thats easy to spot thanks to the offset smokers parked out front. The jet-black bark on the brisket brings a clean, smoky flavor to the juicy slices. The massive spareribs are smoked to just the right tenderness before getting a sweet glaze, and the coarse-ground smoked sausage, made with mostly brisket trim, is juicy with a great snap. The rest of the brisket trim goes into the praiseworthy burger, which is covered with grilled onions, shredded lettuce, pickles, sauce, and more chopped, smoked brisket under a blanket of American cheese. Brighten up that smoke bomb with the unconventional slaw, made with slivers of green apple and cilantro.
**Pro tip**: The cornbread is so sweet and buttery, it can double as dessert.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Breakwater-BBQ-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
A tray from Breakwater Barbecue. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Breakwater-BBQ-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Wyatt Fields, the pitmaster of Breakwater Barbecue, in El Granada, California. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Alameda
### Fikscue
“Indo-Tex” is how Reka and Fik Saleh describe the style of barbecue they sell at their joint, [Fikscue](https://www.fikscue.com/). It began as two separate takeout businesses the couple operated out of their home kitchen in 2020. Reka focused on Indonesian cuisine and Fik sold his smoked meats. They combined both when their restaurant opened just south of Oakland last year. Expect a line down the block when they open, at noon on Saturdays and Sundays, for Texas classics like fatty brisket, massive beef short ribs, and smoked jalapeño-cheese beef sausages. The last are thinner than usual due to the lamb casings. The Salehs are Muslim and keep the menu halal, so dont look for pork ribs. Instead, try the signature brisket rendang, a spicy Indonesian stew made with tender chunks of smoked brisket and coconut milk. The kale curry, seasoned with lime leaves and served alongside, is spectacular, as are sides of cabbage-and-cucumber slaw in a peanut dressing and creamy potato salad with green onions and fried shallots.
**Pro tip**: Kopiko Coffee Candy, a caffeinated Indonesian hard candy, is available by the register.
![Newcomer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=145&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### San Juan Capistrano
### Heritage Barbecue
#### Ranking: No. 5
Seven years ago, Daniel and Brenda Castillo were already gaining fans at their weekend backyard pop-ups. By 2020 they had their first brick-and-mortar, [**Heritage Barbecue**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/texas-barbecue-los-angeles/). A [second location](https://www.heritagecraftbbq.com/) that included a brewery followed in Oceanside last year. The couple worked to clarify state laws that eventually allowed the use of wood-burning offset smokers at California restaurants. A fleet of Texas-built smokers from [**M&M**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/rotisserie-smokers-are-cool-again/), Mill Scale, and Cen-Tex are fueled with California white oak to produce stunning brisket, sweet-glazed pork ribs, and house-made smoked sausages that vary from classic Texas style to red coconut curry. Look for specials like smoked brisket birria tacos, the pastrami Reuben, and smoked chicken quarters with mole. Its all good enough to have garnered a Bib Gourmand from the [**Michelin Guide**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/food/michelin-guide-coming-to-texas/).
**Pro tip**: After your meal, tour the historic Mission San Juan Capistrano, across the street.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Fresno
### Mega Texas Barbeque
Since 2018, Anthony and Tasha Vallejo served [their Texas-style barbecue](https://megatexasbbq.square.site/) out of a gas station in Fresno. Late last year, they moved into a restaurant space of their own. The menu has some California flair—as evidenced in the pork ribs slathered in a salsa verde while being smoked and some of the best smoked tri-tip Ive ever eaten—but the inspiration is all Texas. Even the bright red “Mega Texas BBQ” sign painted on the building has some H-E-B vibes. Barbecue basics like smoked turkey breast and skin-on chicken thighs are done well, and the specialty bacon-wrapped chicken-leg “lollipops” and stuffed jalapeños are equally impressive.
**Pro tip**: Place a pin on the map of the United States on the wall that shows where customers hail from.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Mega-Texas-BBQ.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=pjpg&h=640&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=1024&wpsize=large)
Two trays from Mega Texas Barbeque, in Fresno, California.Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Los Angeles
### Moos Craft Barbecue
#### Ranking: No. 4
Andrew and Michelle Muñoz evaded the health department for a couple years by selling their barbecue by word of mouth before getting a spot in Smorgasburg, an open-air food market, in 2019. Two years later, [**Moos Craft Barbecue**](https://www.mooscraftbbq.com/) opened a permanent location in the Lincoln Heights neighborhood. For California, this is the closest youre going to get to the experience of eating craft barbecue in Texas. Impeccable smoked brisket, sausages, and spareribs are sold by the pound and served on butcher paperlined trays. Pork belly burnt ends are smoked until the meat is tender and the fat gushes. The smoked burger is impressive on its own, but its even better with a scoop of smoked brisket chili, made the Texas way—without beans. The quality has made Moos another California barbecue joint on Michelins Bib Gourmand list.
**Pro tip**: The rich bread pudding topped with fresh strawberries is a must for dessert.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-MoosCraft-BBQ.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=pjpg&h=640&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=1024&wpsize=large)
Michelle and Andrew Muñoz of Moos Craft Barbecue.Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Los Alamos
### Priedite Barbecue
When his hospitality job evaporated at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Nicholas Priedite turned to entrepreneurship. He sold takeout meals until the first official pop-up for [**Priedite Barbecue**](https://www.prieditebbq.com/), on Labor Day 2021. He and his business partner, Brendan Dwan, served as many customers as they could from folding tables under a tent. Earlier this year, they parked their new food truck in the back lot of wine shop Bodega, in Los Alamos, a small town in California cattle country an hour northwest of Santa Barbara. Sundays are reserved for burgers, and the Thursday feature is the tri-tip sandwich, but Saturdays are when youll find the full Texas-style spread. Whether you order the juicy Ranchero Sausage, the sweet and salty pork ribs, or the supple brisket slices, add a few made-in-house beef-fat tortillas. Better yet, find simple bliss with the bean-and-cheese taco. Pinquito beans are part of central Californias barbecue tradition, and a bowl from Priedite, made with onions, garlic, tomato, and a puree of ancho and morita chiles, is legume perfection.
**Pro tip**: The buttermilk pudding dessert is paired with jam made from local in-season fruits.
#### Huntington Park
### Rays Texas BBQ
The Ramirez family carries on the legacy that the late Rene “Ray” Ramirez started back in 2014 with the opening of [**Rays Texas BBQ**](https://www.123brisket.com/). After [**Ray passed away two years ago**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/rays-texas-bbq-california/), his widow, Anabell; sons Sebastian and Raul; and longtime employee Laura Sandoval decided that continuing to serve barbecue would be their therapy, and they closed for only one day. Sebastian and Raul took a crash course to learn what Ray hadnt yet taught them about smoking meat, and they continue to work as a pitmaster team in the small Huntington Park storefront. The house-made jalapeño-cheese sausage is better than ever, and the pork ribs have a unique flavor from the balance of vinegar and sugar in the glaze. Brisket slices from the lean or fatty side stand on their own, though its hard to resist the signature Pitmaster Sandwich, piled high with sliced brisket, roasted jalapeños, slaw, pickles, and barbecue aioli topped with two slices of melted pepper jack cheese.
**Pro tip**: The 10 a.m. opening time means items can run out earlier than a typical joint.
## Connecticut
#### Waterbury
### Hindsight BBQ
With Christmas coming up in 2012, Jeff Schmidt didnt know what to get his dad. He found a heavily discounted smoker and bought it on a whim. The two became obsessed, and they took turns choosing the next meat to smoke. Schmidts first pop-ups were in his mothers restaurant, before he converted an old diner into his [Hindsight BBQ](https://www.hindsightbbq.com/) in 2020. Two massive, Texas-built smokers fill the pit room. Pitmaster Jay Rosko and his team keep them full of house-made sausages that vary from week to week. I wished I could have tried the mushroom Swiss version, but the [blueberry gouda](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/connecticut-barbecue-hoodoo-brown-hindsight/) was a surprising triumph. A stout bark on the brisket brings plenty of smoke and seasoning with every bite, and the large spareribs are plenty tender. Side options change regularly, but I loved the pumpkin honey cornbread and the onion rings drizzled with hot honey. I could drink the gravy that comes with the mashed potatoes.
**Pro tip**: Adventurous eaters will enjoy the creativity behind the wing flavor of the week.
#### Ridgefield
### Hoodoo Brown BBQ
Owner [Cody Sperry](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/connecticut-barbecue-hoodoo-brown-hindsight/) and manager Chris Sexton helped change perceptions about what barbecue could be in Connecticut when they opened [Hoodoo Brown BBQ](http://hoodoobrownbbq.com/) in 2015, in Ridgefield, not far from the New York state line. Since then, theyve added to the roster Tyler Hodge, the self-titled “Sausage King of Connecticut,” who produces link variations that include turkey shawarma, Viet-Cajun boudin, and a concoction that mimics the hashbrown casserole from Truth Barbeque, in Houston. Pulled pork was the original customer favorite, but brisket is now the well-deserved top seller. The Cracklin Pork Belly—a signature item—has a glassy skin that shatters under the knife, and the fresh tomato relish served alongside is the perfect complement.
**Pro tip**: Dont miss the desserts, such as chocolate chip bread pudding and banana bourbon cream pie, which are made by Sperrys mother.
---
## Florida
#### Orlando
### Smokemade Meats + Eats
The smell of fat dripping onto coals was in the air when I pulled up to [Smokemade Meats + Eats](https://www.smokemade.com/). Beautifully charred half chickens were coming off the direct-heat pit just before opening time, and next to the pit was an offset smoker full of briskets for the following day. Inside, as owner Tyler Brunache, who started the joint as a pop-up in 2021, manned the cutting block, Brunache confirmed that [Goldees Barbecue](https://www.texasmonthly.com/interactive/top-50-bbq-2021/#goldees-barbecue) had influenced his freshly baked white bread, golden barbecue sauce, and spectacular sides of pork hash on rice and creamy cheese grits. The half chicken tastes as good as it looks. The bark on the pork ribs glistens from a sweet glaze, and the casing on the beefy hot-gut sausage is plenty snappy. Savory collard greens and pinto beans studded with brisket are pure comfort. Freshly baked dessert options abound, as at many barbecue joints, but since I was in Florida, I had to get the key lime pie, its tangy filling balanced by the sweet, buttery graham cracker crust.
**Pro tip**: Buy a loaf of the house-made white bread to take home.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Smokemade-Meats-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Smokemade Meats and Eats uses a direct-heat pit and an offset smoker. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Smokemade-Meats-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
The half-chickens from Smokemade Meats and Eats. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
---
## Georgia
#### Atlanta
### Fox Bros. Bar-B-Q
Georgias barbecue culture runs deep, particularly when it comes to dishes such as chopped pork and Brunswick stew. Brothers Jonathan and Justin Fox found plenty of that when they moved from Fort Worth to Atlanta—Jonathan in 1998 and Justin in 2000—but they missed Texas barbecue. Homesick and hungry, they started smoking briskets in their backyard, which led to pop-ups and eventually to the opening of [Fox Bros. Bar-B-Q](http://www.foxbrosbbq.com/) with partner Beau Nolen. In 2007, Fox Bros. was one of the few barbecue joints outside Texas making smoked brisket, and it took years for the cut to outsell pulled pork and chicken. These days Atlanta is a brisket town—the cut is featured at nearly every local joint, including the five locations of Fox Bros.
**Pro tip**: The only location where the meat is sliced in front of the customer is in Brookhaven, twenty minutes north of downtown Atlanta.
![Pioneer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Pioneer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=179&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Smyrna
### Owens & Hull
#### Ranking: No. 3
Atlanta restaurateur Robert Owens, who previously owned several [**Grand Champion BBQ**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/owens-and-hull-grand-champion-bbq-atlanta/) locations, teamed up with local pop-up barbecue phenom Bryan Hull, of Secret Pint BBQ, to rebrand his joint. The new [**Owens & Hull**](https://gcbbq.com/) is tucked behind an apartment complex, next to a brewery, at the southern tip of Smyrna, and it goes against the table-service model of most Atlanta barbecue joints. Orders are taken at the counter, where Hull slices meats pulled from the Primitive Pits smoker that sits just outside the front door. The Prime-grade sliced brisket (Fridays and Saturdays only) is the best Ive had in Georgia, but the juicy, peppery smoked turkey breast might be the best protein on the menu. Every week brings a new sausage variety, such as the garlicky Portuguese linguica calabrese I enjoyed. The side of shells and cheese is a standout, as was the special of Cajun rice with brisket gravy.
**Pro tip**: Visit on a Thursday if you want to try the smoked burger with onion jam.
![](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10-And-Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=79&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Savannah
### Slow Fire BBQ
When I first found [Slow Fire BBQ](https://www.slowfirebbq.com/), last year, the brand-new barbecue bus was in a food truck park in Savannah. Now you can find it in front of its future brick-and-mortar every weekend. [Owner Terren Williams](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/georgia-south-carolina-texas-barbecue/) spent years working as a chef in Texas and his native Savannah before buying a smoker in 2021. He wanted to re-create his favorite food memories from Smittys Market, in Lockhart, and Hurtado Barbecue in Arlington. While Williams smokes a fine brisket, the substantial, pull-apart-tender beef ribs with a stout bark are the specialty. The sliced pork belly is lusciously fatty, while the spareribs are perfectly tender, and the house-made sausages are all impressive. The sides show a chefs touch, with the drizzle of chile crisp over the slaw and creamy mac and cheese topped with crushed Ritz crackers and chili cheese Fritos warmed in brown butter. Williamss take on esquites blends mayo and cotija cheese with pureed preserved lemons, parsley, and harissa.
**Pro tip**: Order the Smokegasbord for a sample of every meat besides the beef rib.
![Newcomer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=145&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
## Illinois
#### Chicago
### Green Street Smoked Meats
When pitmaster Dave Bonner offered me a head-to-head tasting of his double-patty smokehouse burger and the far more famous one from Au Cheval, across the street (both are owned by the Hogsalt restaurant group), I couldnt say no. My two tablemates and I declared [Green Street](https://www.greenstreetmeats.com/)s the winner. The barbecue joint, which opened in 2014, is also serving the best beef rib Ive had in Chicago, and the brisket isnt far behind. Youll find picture-perfect pork ribs and slices of pork belly so tender they struggle not to fall apart. While Chicago is a sausage town, you dont often find a Texas hot link of this quality in the city. A bite from the colorful array of pickled vegetables helps cleanse the palate. The underrated star of the menu is the smoked chicken quarter, with luscious meat beneath a crisp mahogany skin, made even better with a dunk in the white barbecue sauce.
**Pro tip**: The line can be long, but youll stand next to a bar serving excellent cocktails for most of it.
---
## Louisiana
#### Ruston
### Bad Wolf BBQ
Louisiana native [Andrew Caskey](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/louisiana-texas-style-barbecue/) found his calling after a two-week trek through Texas. He launched his [Bad Wolf BBQ](https://bad-wolf-bbq.square.site/) truck in Ruston, about an hour east of Shreveport, in 2019, then used a pandemic hiatus to build a commissary kitchen before moving into the Heard Freighthouse food truck park, which backs up to railroad tracks. Brisket is the best-seller here, and for good reason. The fat cap is well rendered beneath a peppery bark, and the slices pull easily without falling apart. The shimmering brisket burnt ends are one-bite treats, and Caskey makes a banger of a brisket boudin that oozes with melted pepper jack. Rather than going traditional with his ribs, Caskey smokes and fries his baby backs, then tosses them in a sweet chile glaze before adding sesame seeds and green onions as garnish. I couldnt resist the Chimi sandwich, with sliced beef and chimichurri aioli on a jalapeño-cheddar bun.
**Pro tip**: Ask for a side of the chimichurri aioli, because it goes well with everything.
#### Lafayette
### Blanchards BBQ
Matt and Christy “Kissy” Blanchard fell in love with barbecue in Memphis, but they knew theyd be serving Texas-style brisket at their food truck when it opened in 2014. A [brick-and-mortar location](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/louisiana-texas-style-barbecue/) of [Blanchards BBQ](https://www.blanchardsbbq.com/) followed in 2018. The menu reflects the Blanchards efforts to differentiate their cooking from classic southern Louisiana cuisine. There is no rice dressing or boudin, and the sauce comes on the side, though the Creole mustard sauce is a dead giveaway of the locale. Try it on the house-made smoked sausage, which is incredibly juicy, with a bold mix of Cajun spices. Save the espresso sauce for the brisket (not that it needs any). The thick slices pull apart easily, while well-rendered fat moistens every bite. A generous handful of the chopped brisket comes atop the house-specialty poutine, made with fresh-cut fries, a rich brown gravy of smoked brisket drippings, and queso fresco.
**Pro tip**: Too many sauces at a barbecue joint can be a red flag, but all the ones here are excellent.
#### Luling
### **Gonzos Smokehouse & BBQ**
Smoked boudin has become a favorite at plenty of Texas barbecue joints, but Ive never had one as good as the brisket boudin [**Jason Gonzalez**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/louisiana-texas-style-barbecue/) makes at [**Gonzos Smokehouse** & BBQ](https://www.gonzosmokehouse.com/). Itll take some planning to try it. The location, which opened in 2020, offers its full barbecue menu on Fridays only, and the line forms long before the 11:30 a.m. opening time. If the boudin sells out, the consolation prizes arent bad. Excellent slices of smoked brisket are just the start—the joint is a burnt-end paradise. Depending on the weekly special, youll find brisket, pork belly, beef belly, or pork-jowl burnt ends. The pork jowl comes with a sticky char siu glaze that is the perfect marriage of Louisiana ingredients and Texas cooking methods. Or just fill up on sides, such as the smoked gouda grits and the dirty rice topped with shredded smoked beef cheeks. Dont miss the pickled pineapple garnish.
**Pro tip**: Preorders for Friday go live the Sunday prior at 10 a.m.
---
## Maryland
#### Riverdale Park
### 2Fifty Texas BBQ
Fernando González had never heard of Franklin Barbecue until he was stuck in Austin on a business trip. He loved its brisket so much, he brought a whole one back to his native El Salvador, handed it to his wife, Debby Portillo, and told her it was their future. She thought it looked more like a rock than beef, but by 2020, four years later, the couple had moved to the [Washington, D.C., area](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/2fifty-bbq-bark-barbecue-cafe-washington-dc/) and opened [2Fifty Texas BBQ](https://www.2fiftybbq.com/). González attended a barbecue class at Goldees Barbecue, in Fort Worth, and brought in consultant [Mauro “Max” Chiefari](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/max-chiefari-globe-trotting-bbq-consultant/) to learn the finer points of sausage making, which are evidenced in the poblano and the spicy cheddar links. 2Fifty offers Wagyu and Prime-grade briskets, and both are smoked until juicy. The tender ribs are well seasoned. Sides are categorized as “Traditional,” such as potato salad and slaw, or “Heritage,” a grouping that includes Salvadoran touches, like in the red beans slowly simmered in beef fat and the golden fried plantains.
**Pro tip**: Order the sweet potato mash if you love roasted marshmallows.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-2Fifty-Texas-BBQ.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=pjpg&h=640&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=1024&wpsize=large)
El Salvador meets Texas at 2Fifty Texas BBQ.Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Stevensville
### Bark Barbecue Café
Boris Ghazarian and his son Berj run the food-flavoring business Itaberco on Kent Island, about an hour outside Washington, D.C. They lacked good restaurants near the facility, so Berj used his passion for Texas barbecue to solve the problem. In 2021 he parked a couple offset smokers under a canopy in the parking lot and opened [Bark Barbecue Café](https://www.barkbarbecue.com/). It almost immediately [gained fans](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/2fifty-bbq-bark-barbecue-cafe-washington-dc/) from farther afield thanks to its masterful brisket, smoked and seared pork belly, and juicy smoked chicken. The spareribs dont adhere to any barbecue style—theyre separated before being smoked, for extra bark; braised in a Korean-influenced barbecue sauce; smoked again; glazed with honey, ginger, and gochugaru (red chile flakes); and broiled to caramelize the sauce just before serving. The process for the Laser Potatoes is just as rigorous, and the finished product is akin to a fried cube of scalloped potatoes. A side of red rice made by Berjs Armenian mother is based on a recipe for karmir pilaf, a dish in which beef fat, onions, and tomatoes flavor the rice as it cooks.
**Pro tip**: The $39 Pitmaster Platter comes with three meats and three sides and is the best deal on the menu.
---
## Michigan
#### Ann Arbor
### Ricewood
A rice bowl doesnt sound like a traditional Texas barbecue offering, but at [Ricewood](https://www.ricewoodbbq.com/), Gabe Golub and his half-brother, Frank Fejeran, have made it so by topping it with half a pound of smoked meat. What began as a food truck in 2015 moved indoors in 2019 and added a second location across town in 2022. Sliced brisket is the most popular topping for the rice bowls, but I preferred the slices of pork belly so tender they melted in my mouth, along with some lightly pickled cucumbers and house-made kimchi. Each bowl is drizzled with a sweetened vinegar habanero sauce available in three levels of heat and based on a recipe from Fejerans mother.
**Pro tip**: Specials, such as smoked and fried chicken wings and the smoked cheeseburger, arent always the same at both locations, so pay attention to social media.
---
## Minnesota
#### Minneapolis
### Animales Barbeque Co
Jon Wipfli has parked his [Animales Barbeque Co](https://animalesbarbeque.com/bbq) food truck, which opened in 2018, outside Bauhaus Brew Labs for the last three years. He closes it for a few months every year due to the brutal Minnesota winters. Next year Animales will be moving into its own permanent spot, which will allow it to stay open year-round. Brisket isnt always on the menu at the current food truck, though beef ribs, smoked beef cheeks, and smoked birria tacos are popular specials. The smoked sausages are always impeccably made. The pork ribs get a good dose of dry rub before smoking and a sweet glaze after. Its hard to top the pork belly burnt ends, which are smoked until the layers of meat and fat condense to become a smoky gusher. And as a beef lover, I was surprised by how much I obsessed over the smoked chicken Caesar sandwich.
**Pro tip**: Animales uses locally made bread, so dont sleep on the barbecue sandwiches.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Animales-BBQ.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=pjpg&h=640&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=1024&wpsize=large)
A tray that includes tacos from Animales Barbeque Co.Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
---
## Missouri
#### Kansas City
### Chef J BBQ
The West Bottoms neighborhood of Kansas City is full of old-school brick buildings. Inside one of them, youll find a barbecue counter that looks like it came straight out of Texas. Thats how youll know youre at [Chef J BBQ](https://chefjbbq.com/), established in 2020. Order directly from owner and pitmaster Justin Easterwood, who slices fatty brisket so tender it wobbles. Most KC joints use brisket for burnt ends, but the burnt ends here are of the pork belly variety. Jalapeño-cheese sausage is a staple, but look for whatever link is on special, too. The pork ribs are savory and sweet because of the thin glaze. Share a photo of your barbecue tray—with the slaw, pickles, onions, esquites, and banana pudding—and itll be hard convincing folks it wasnt built in Texas.
**Pro tip**: You can find Chef J BBQ at Kauffman Stadium, the home of the Kansas City Royals, on select dates through the rest of baseball season.
#### St. Louis
### Fourth City Barbecue
At the back of Fortune Teller Bar, youll find the counter for [Fourth City Barbecue](https://www.fourthcitybbq.com/), helmed by married couple Greg Mueller and Erica McKinley since 2023. Theyre trying to create [a barbecue style unique to St. Louis](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/fourth-city-barbecue-st-louis/), with Texas brisket as the foundation. Both the lean and fatty slices of brisket were the best Ive had in St. Louis, a town better known for its ribs. The beef rib here doesnt disappoint either; its brined like pastrami and served with house-made mustard sauce. The star of the sides is the savory bacon fried rice, studded with lardons and garnished with green onion. Creamy macaroni salad paired well with the crunch of the broccoli salad that incorporated almonds, raisins, and apples. Rather than serving white bread, McKinley bakes a sweet and buttery cornbread that comes with every plate along with hot honey butter.
**Pro tip**: Order a cocktail from Fortune Teller Bar while waiting for your order.
![Newcomer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=145&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Raytown
### Harp Barbecue
Tyler Harp and his father, Bob, took their first trip to Texas expecting the barbecue to pale in comparison to Kansas Citys. Instead, they found the best barbecue theyd ever eaten at Austins la Barbecue and many other Central Texas stops. Less than three years later, in 2019, Tyler started [Harp Barbecue](https://www.harpbarbecue.com/) as a pop-up in KC to share Texas-style barbecue with the locals. He moved the operation to a brick-and-mortar in Raytown, about ten miles southeast, two years ago, and another move to a larger location in Overland Park, Kansas, is scheduled for next month. Harp has made its name on smoked brisket, but the ribs are also stellar and offered fresh during the weekends; smoked-and-fried ribs are available during the week with different sauces. Rotating sausage flavors, such as pepper jack boudin and maple blueberry, never fail to impress.
**Pro tip**: Get whole slabs of pork ribs on Saturdays for just $25.
---
## Nebraska
#### Alliance
### Golden Hour Barbecue
#### Ranked No. 10
Flor and Fletcher Sheridan left Houston, where Fletcher got his barbecue education, for Flors hometown in [**western Nebraska**](https://www.goldenhourbarbecue.com/). Their [**Golden Hour Barbecue**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/golder-hour-barbecue-nebraska/), which opened in March, is a classic small-town barbecue joint in a historic building (constructed in 1914) along the main drag. Fletcher mans the counter and the smokers out back that burn post oak trucked in from Texas. Youd have to drive all day to find another spot with brisket this good. The luscious, fatty slices are dripping with well-rendered fat, and are encircled with a smoky bark. I loved the bold flavor of both the jalapeño cheese sausage and the garlicky beef sausage that would be right at home in Texas. Even the pulled pork is impressive, especially with a splash of the golden barbecue sauce. Look for specials like pork belly burnt ends, and year-round favorites such as the crunchy slaw and homey banana pudding.
**Pro tip**: This being Nebraska, there are amazing corn dishes to be had, including the smoked corn on the cob (summer only) and the rich corn casserole.
![](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10-And-Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=79&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Golden-Hour-BBQ.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=pjpg&h=640&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=1024&wpsize=large)
Golden Hour Barbecue brings Texas smoked meats to Nebraska.Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
---
## Nevada
#### Las Vegas
### Soulbelly BBQ
I dont know of another barbecue joint that makes its own pasta for mac and cheese, and this ones a stunner. Bruce Kalman made his name as a chef at several popular red-sauce Italian restaurants in California and moved to Las Vegas to open his own. When that fell through, he pivoted to a cuisine that food-loving Vegas was light on: barbecue. The pair of Mill Scale offset smokers in front of [Soulbelly BBQ](https://soulbellybbq.com/) let you know this place is serious about cooking with wood. Kalman and his teams barbecue skills have developed since the joint was founded in 2021, and theyre now serving impressive sliced brisket, savory pork ribs, and house-made green chile and cheese sausages. Other Texas touches include the chile con carne—made from smoked brisket chunks and barbacoa—served on corn tortillas. The smoked burger on a house-made bun is pure pleasure.
**Pro tip**: The mac and cheese is great, but the deep-fried mac and cheese balls are even better.
---
## New Mexico
#### Cloudcroft
### Mad Jacks Mountaintop Barbecue
James Jacksons first foray into barbecue was with a food truck in his native Lockhart, also known as the Barbecue Capital of Texas. The mountain town of Cloudcroft, in southern New Mexico, had far less competition, and Jackson found a building for sale there for the right price. He opened [Mad Jacks](https://www.madjacksbbq.com/) nine years ago and drives back and forth from Lockhart to haul the loads of post oak he insists on using in his Oyler smokers. I first tried his barbecue six years ago, and it has gotten markedly better since. The fatty brisket is great but it doesnt compare to the beef short rib, with its deep smoke ring and a jet-black bark. One could make a meal of just a bowl of the savory pinto beans and sweet slab of buttery cornbread, though I wouldnt skip the green chile sausage with a snappy casing that gleams with beef fat.
**Pro tip:** Ask Jackson about the jars of cash on display and youll get a great story.
---
## New York
#### Brooklyn
### Bark Barbecue
The sign above [Bark Barbecue](https://www.timeoutmarket.com/newyork/eat-and-drink/bark-bbq/)s stall (not to be confused with Bark Barbecue Café in Maryland, also on this list) that opened at the Time Out Market food hall in 2020 reads “Dominican-Texas Style.” Owner and pitmaster Ruben Santana blends the flavors of his heritage with Texas barbecue he smokes offsite in a fleet of offset smokers. The rub on his tender and smoky brisket has a traditional base of salt and black pepper but gets Dominican flair with oregano and dried ancho powder—both seasonings show up in most of the meats and sides. While smoked sausage and pork ribs are on the menu, the Dominican-style smoked chicharron is the must-order. The skin-on pork belly is smoked until tender, then fried so the skin puffs up like crackling. A bite isnt complete without a squeeze of lime. Rice and black beans are mixed and stewed in beef broth for arroz congri. Other sides include fried sweet plantains called maduros and deep-fried batons of white cheese—try them both with chopped pork on the Tres Golpes sandwich.
**Pro tip:** When you order a “torta” here just know that it looks more like what Texans would consider cornbread. Its seasoned like a spice cake and served with honey butter.
#### Brooklyn
### Hometown Bar-B-Q
Billy Durney became enraptured with the meats at [Louie Mueller Barbecue](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-epiphany-bite-louie-mueller-barbecue/) in Taylor, about thirty miles north of Austin, in 2007. He was working in private security for celebrities at the time, but discovered then that barbecue would be part of his future. Six years later, Durney opened [Hometown Bar-B-Q](https://hometownbbq.com/) in a secluded corner of his native Red Hook neighborhood. The menu was an homage to the foods he grew up eating prepared with Texas barbecue techniques. Instead of pork belly burnt ends, Durney serves a thick slice of pork belly pastrami smoked in a Texas-built, wood-fired [Oyler rotisserie](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/interview-jr-manufacturing/). Baby back ribs get a char siu glaze, and a jerk marinade spices up the rib tips. The Texas basics are equally impressive, such as the hearty pork spare ribs, the peppery brisket, and one of the few beef short ribs Ive found outside of Texas that can rival Louie Muellers.
**Pro tip:** Dont plan on making it to New York anytime soon? A second location of Hometown Bar-B-Que opened in Miami in 2019.
![Pioneer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Pioneer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=179&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Buffalo
### Southern Junction
#### Ranked No. 6
Ryan Fernandez was born in Kerala, India, and went to high school in Plano. He has combined cuisines from both places into his ground-breaking barbecue joint in Buffalo. [**Southern Junction**](https://southernjunction716.com/) was first housed in a restaurant incubator in 2020. Fernandez opened the brick-and-mortar last year, and received a James Beard Award nomination for the Emerging Chef Award this year. Expect a line outside before the late afternoon opening. A classic Texas barbecue tray can be had with glistening slices of brisket, maple-glazed pork ribs, a Texas hot link, mac and cheese, and brisket beans. Thats all great, but the real reward is in items like brisket biryani and the barbecue foldie, a paratha (Indian flatbread) filled with smoked and pulled beef shoulder, mixed with caramelized onions, garam masala, and a coconut curry sauce. The shatteringly crisp skin of the juicy smoked chicken is coated in a combination of garlic, ginger, shallots, and curry leaves toasted in coconut oil. The honey butter cardamom cornbread is sweet enough for dessert, but I licked the banana pudding bowl clean.
**Pro tip:** Skip the line by ordering at the bar if a seat is available.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
---
## North Carolina
#### Cary
### Dampf Good BBQ
In 2021, the first few barbecue pop-ups of [**Dampf Good BBQ**](https://www.dampfgoodbbq.com/), operated by brothers Nick and Bryce Dampf, didnt go so well. Folks in Smithfield, [**North Carolina**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/brisket-at-north-carolina-bbq-joints/), came seeking inexpensive pork sandwiches, but found pricey sliced brisket instead. The brothers found their sweet spot in 2022 after moving their truck north to Cary, an affluent suburb of Raleigh. The peppery brisket is the best-seller—one bite of the boldly flavored burnt end will tell you why—but the pastrami is hot on its heels. Spare ribs often get a sweet glaze these days, but the Dampfs keep it simple with a simple dry rub and plenty of oak smoke. The sausages are well-crafted, and sliced pork belly is meltingly tender. Sweet and salty Brussels sprouts are roasted until just tender, and meaty beans, creamy mac and cheese, and loaded mashed potato salad round out the side options.
**Pro tip:** The pork belly is listed on the menu as “bacon brisket.”
#### Peachland
### Jon Gs Barbecue
#### Ranked No. 8
The line gets so long on Saturday mornings at [**Jon Gs**](https://www.jongsbarbecue.com/)—the only day its open—that workers offer customers sausage klobasniky from a food truck outside the restaurant to munch on while waiting. Garren and Kelly Kirkman have turned this joint outside of Charlotte into the [**Snows BBQ**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/podcast/barbecue-podcast-story-tootsie-snows-bbq/) of North Carolina. Anticipation builds among the diners, many of them with a free beer in hand from the community cooler, as opening time approaches. Theyre here for [**brisket**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/brisket-at-north-carolina-bbq-joints/) unlike what you could find in the state just five years ago. The smoked turkey and bacon burnt ends are pretty impressive as well. I love the local touches like using Cheerwine soda in the smoked sausage. A few sides, such as brisket fried rice and spiced corn esquites, have international flair. If its on special, get the batata salad, which is smashed potato with lemon, garlic, cilantro, and crushed red pepper.
**Pro tip:** Jon Gs also has a food truck that roams the Charlotte area, so check its social media for the schedule.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Jon-Gs-BBQ-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Garren and Kelly Kirkman of Jon Gs Barbecue. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Jon-Gs-BBQ-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
A sun-dappled tray from Jon Gs Barbecue. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Edenton
### Old Colony Smokehouse
When Adam Hughes left his job as a general contractor to open [Old Colony Smokehouse](https://www.oldcolonysmokehouse.com/) in small-town North Carolina in 2019, he took a risk serving lots of beef in this pork-loving state. Luckily, locals loved the brisket, and he opened a new, larger location earlier this year. The sweet and savory St. Louiscut pork ribs have the perfect tenderness and a candylike bark;  smoke and pepper clings to the edge of each juicy turkey slice; and the butter-brushed cornbread is moist and sweet. Even an item as simple as pulled chicken is divine, especially when it gets a dip in clarified butter and a sprinkle of lemon-pepper seasoning before it goes onto a tray or in a sandwich. I got all that and some juicy sausage and smoky brisket on the Solo Sampler tray for just $35. The dessert offerings are also extensive— sometimes a dozen choices—but you wont think about ordering anything else once youve had a bite of the banana cream pie.
**Pro tip:** For a true taste of North Carolina, try the hot dog covered in brisket chili and slaw.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Old-Colony-Smokehouse-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
The picturesque setting of Old Colony Smokehouse. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Old-Colony-Smokehouse-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
A tray from Old Colony Smokehouse that includes a North Carolina-style hot dog. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Knightdale
### Prime Barbecue
#### Ranked No. 2
In Knightdale, just east of Raleigh, the building thats housed [**Prime Barbecue**](https://prime-bbq.com/) since 2020 is as immaculate as the barbecue trays at the counter. Its like the cutter has a blueprint for where to place each protein based on how much the customer orders. Get one—or get them all—and you wont be disappointed. The bark is picture perfect on the tender pork ribs. Each bite of sausage brings a pleasing snap as the juices drip down your chin. Its hard to pick a favorite between the pull-apart tender beef ribs or the peppery brisket because both are executed with precision. Chris Prietos Puerto Rican roots are on display daily in the side of barbecue rice cooked with onions and bacon fat, and on Saturdays with a whole pig done lechon-style. The fruit for the Texas cobbler changes daily, but it always includes a small cup of Blue Bell homemade vanilla.
**Pro tip:** Prime serves one of the finest pastrami Reubens youll find anywhere every Wednesday.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
---
## Oklahoma
#### Oklahoma City
### Edge Craft Barbecue
#### Ranked No. 9
Zach Edge has come a long way from his time as the pitmaster at the now-closed Maples BBQ in [**Oklahoma City**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/texas-style-bbq-invades-oklahoma/). The place never lived up to its potential, but Edge kept pushing, and his barbecue gets better by the year at [**Edge Craft Barbecue**](https://edgecraftbbq.com/), which he opened in 2021. Even the lean brisket has a sheen to it from all the juiciness, and the only bite better than a brisket burnt end was the smoky bark on a flawless beef rib. In a state known for smoked bologna and commercially made hot links, the house-made sausages shine. For sides, its hard to choose a favorite between the savory collard greens or the sweet Brussels sprouts, so get both, along with some soulful red beans and rice. Edge switches out bananas for [**fresh peaches**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/recipe/peach-pudding/) in the pudding when the season is right.
**Pro tip:** Ask Edge which seat Glen Powell sat in to record a promotional video for *Twisters*.
![Top 10 label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=223&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Tulsa
### Oakhart Barbecue
Chris Emmons and Brian Hodges held out as long as they could without putting smoked bologna on the menu at [**Oakhart Barbecue**](https://www.oakhartbbq.com/), but their [**Oklahoma**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/texas-style-bbq-invades-oklahoma/) customers demanded it. However, Texas barbecue lovers can still get smoked sausage—they serve both a classic beef link seasoned with garlic and black pepper and another with jalapeño and cheddar. Huge spare ribs get a sweet glaze that melds well with the peppery rub. Since opening in 2021, the joints brisket is some of the best in Oklahoma. The fat cap on the lean side is nearly melted, and the slices stay juicy well after slicing. All the sides are carefully prepared classics such as creamy shells and cheese, savory pinto beans, crunchy slaw thats made fresh daily, and pillowy soft cheese grits dotted with black pepper.
**Pro tip:** Filming locations for Francis Ford Coppolas 1983 movie, *The Outsiders*, are less than a mile north of the restaurant.
#### Idabel
### Phat Tabbs BBQ
Of all the spots on this list, none are closer—physically—to Texas than [**Phat Tabbs**](https://phattabbsbbq.com/). Tabb Singleton returned to his hometown of Idabel, Oklahoma, just fifteen minutes from the Red River, after leaving his executive sous chef position in New Orleans. These days hes smoking enormous spare ribs that have plenty of spice beneath their honey glaze. Slices of fatty brisket and smoked beef sausage are flawless. The chefs sensibility shows through in the Nashville hot turkey sandwich, which is made with breaded slabs of his sweet teabrined smoked turkey in a sauce amped up with Korean chile flakes and fish sauce. Look for it and other specials unusual for small-town Oklahoma such as barbecue gyros, smoked chicken tinga, and poke bowls made with cold-smoked tuna.
**Pro tip:** The white trash potato salad, garnished with Bac-Os, is a tribute to the pitmasters humble upbringing.
---
## Oregon
#### Portland
### Bark City BBQ
When I wrote that [Portland](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/new-portland-barbecue/) had the best barbecue scene outside of Texas five years ago, [Bark City BBQ](https://barkcitybbq.com/), which opened in 2017, was part of that equation. But after that story came out, owner Michael Keskin decamped to Flagstaff, Arizona, to be closer to family. The high altitude messed with his smoker performance, so he returned to Portland earlier this year, bringing a much-improved brisket. A thick, fatty slice was an exemplary specimen of his cooking acumen. Although the rub looks too heavy on the ribs, Keskin manages to create a perfect bark with great spice and pork flavor coming through. A bite through the jalapeño cheese sausage released juices that stained my shirt so noticeably that Keskin gifted me a Bark City BBQ one.
**Pro tip:** Pickled cucumbers and onions will feel like childs play once youve tried the pickled avocado here.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Grasslands-BBQ-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Drew Marquis, Brendan Bain, and Sam Carroll of Grasslands Barbecue. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Grasslands-BBQ-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Two trays from Grasslands Barbecue, in Portland, Oregon. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Hood River
### Grasslands Barbecue
The beautiful drive from Portland along the mighty Columbia River to its namesake town is reason enough to head out for the hour-long weekend barbecue trek. At the end, youll find [**Grasslands **Barbecue****](https://grasslandsbarbecue.com/), a truck started by a trio of out-of-work buddies during the pandemic. The truck is open alongside a few other vendors on the edge of a grassy park near the waterfront. A line forms about thirty minutes before opening, and many customers dine at shaded picnic tables. They enjoy brisket that would hold its own in Texas, and masterfully crafted sausages, such as the signature green chile and cheddar variety. I love the pork belly burnt ends tossed in a ginger, soy, and serrano vinaigrette. All the sides are freshly prepared, so expect bright and crunchy slaw along with elote made with corn shucked fresh off the cob and mac and cheese topped with a crunchy layer of garlic bread crumbs.
**Pro tip:** Before visiting, check the calendar on Grasslands website for an up-to-date schedule.
#### Portland
### Matts BBQ
When Matt Vicedomini first opened his food truck in 2015 in the back of an empty parking lot, he oversaw all operations. He was fresh off his barbecue education in Australia, of all places. Nine years later, instead of just watching one pit, he has multiple restaurants to tend to, including the Thai-influenced smokehouse [Eem](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/portlands-eem-unites-bold-thai-flavors-texas-style-barbecue/) hes a partner in. [Matts BBQ](https://mattsbbqpdx.com/) now sits in a bustling food truck park. Order at a kiosk with a credit card and wait for your name to be called. The [half-pound minimums](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/no-more-half-pound-minimums/) make it hard to try a variety of smoked meats, so focus on the glistening slices of tender brisket and the sweet-glazed pork ribs.
**Pro tip:** Be sure to try the array of excellent and unique barbecue sauces, such as the cherry chipotle and peach mustard.
---
## South Carolina
#### **West Columbia**
### City Limits Barbeque
 The James Beard Awards have paid more attention to barbecue recently, and Robbie Robinson, pitmaster at [City Limits Barbeque](http://www.citylimitsq.com/), was part of that wave when he became a finalist for Best Chef: Southeast this year. His barbecue joint, which opened in 2016, blends Texas and South Carolina traditions. Spare ribs are cooked over coals like South Carolina whole hog, but you can taste the Texas influence in the smoked hot link and garlicky Hill Country sausage. The Palmetto State is known for its hash made of stewed pork and rice, and Robinson adds chopped brisket in his. There are proteins aplenty but be sure to try the smoked chicken wings or pork belly burnt ends. Dont miss the fresh peach cobbler when its on the menu, and take home a tub of jalapeño pimento cheese to let your experience linger.
**Pro tip:** The full barbecue menu is only available on Saturdays.
#### Anderson
### Fork Grove Barbecue
Dylan and Tiffani Cookes mentor wasnt a Texas pitmaster, but a North Carolinian with a love for brisket. After Dylan watched videos and read cookbooks, he turned to Garren Kirkman of Jon Gs Barbecue (also on this list)  for advice on transitioning his barbecue pop-up to a full-on restaurant. Dylan was so sure his barbecue would be accepted in rural South Carolina that he bought four 1,000-gallon offsets before the doors of [Fork Grove](https://forkgrovebbq.com/) even opened in 2023. And his confidence was paid off with his thick-sliced fatty brisket, smoky spare ribs, and house-made sausages. Youd never guess that the Cookes havent even visited Texas for a barbecue crawl yet. The smoked turkey and pork belly burnt ends are a nice addition to the Texas Trinity. The elote side has a great char on the corn kernels; the mac and cheese is pleasantly gooey; and the slaw is the perfect marriage of a KFC-style fine dice and vinegar-based dressing.
**Pro tip:** Every Saturday, theres a new flavor of pork belly burnt ends.
![Newcomer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=145&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Charleston
### Lewis Barbecue
John Lewis wasnt sure how folks in [**Charleston**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/austin-south-carolina/) would receive his style of barbecue when he first opened. Barbecue in the state meant pork, and Lewis had spent years perfecting his brisket and sausage techniques in Austin. He worked the pits at Franklin Barbecue as it rose to stardom, then helped Ali Clem and the [**late LeAnn Mueller**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/leann-mueller-barbecue-groundbreaker-dies-at-51/) open La Barbecue. Lewis wanted his own place, but not in brisket-saturated Austin. He figured South Carolinians had a love for barbecue, and that he could foster their acceptance of something other than pork. The motto at [**Lewis Barbecue**](https://www.lewisbarbecue.com/) is “beef is king,” and since opening in 2016,  its proven in the impeccable sliced brisket; the juicy, beefy hot guts; and specials like Saturdays massive beef ribs and Fridays sandwich piled high with smoked prime rib and cheddar. These days, standing in line for smoked beef in South Carolina doesnt seem out of place, whether its at the Lewis Barbecue in Charleston, or the location in Greenville, about two hundred miles northwest, which opened in 2022.
**Pro tip:** The Friday-only beef and cheddar sandwich might be the best menu item.
![Pioneer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Pioneer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=179&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
#### Charleston
### Palmira Barbecue
#### Ranked No. 1
 It could be hard to balance the flavors and techniques of South Carolina, Texas, and Puerto Rico in one restaurant, but thats exactly what Hector Garate is doing at [Palmira Barbecue](https://palmirabarbecue.com/). To prepare for opening this year, he took advantage of pop-ups to perfect his whole-hog method, which uses the direct-heat process preferred by South Carolina pitmasters along with seasoning and sauce inspired by Puerto Rico. Youll also find offset smokers at Palmira for the very beefy Texas portion of the menu. Beef cheeks are offered daily—and melt in your mouth without being mushy—while beef ribs and brisket are featured on the weekends. Tender, smoky spare ribs with a slightly sweet, thin glaze are always available, as are the house-made smoked sausages, which vary weekly. Garates wife and parents work with him, so thank his mother, Marisol, after taking a bite of the guava cheesecake.
**Pro tip:** At the register, ask for an Underberg, a German digestif in a tiny green bottle that helps settle the stomach after large meals. 
![](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10-And-Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=79&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
---
## Tennessee
#### Martin
### Blakes at Southern Milling
Moving up from a food truck to a brick-and-mortar joint isnt uncommon, but [Blake Stoker](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/blakes-southern-milling-tennessee/) skipped several steps to opening a veritable barbecue palace in 2022. He spent years renovating a historic mill in Martin, 130 miles northeast of Memphis, to turn it into [Blakes at Southern Milling](https://www.blakesatsouthernmilling.com/). His love for barbecue was born in his college years at Mississippi State University when he took a weekend trip to the Austin area to visit Franklin Barbecue and Louie Mueller Barbecue. Stoker saw his future in those trays. Now hes serving a huge menu of Texas classics along with some of his family favorites such as tomato pie, smoked cream cheese, and his aunts pimento cheese. The last tops the popular Bubba Cole sandwich, which combines smoky brisket and juicy turkey breast. For a beefier sandwich, try the patty melt with a ground brisket patty and chopped brisket between two slices of griddled Texas toast.
**Pro tip:** They may not be barbecue, but the masterful hand-breaded chicken tenders are more than just food for the kids.
#### Madison
### Shotgun Willies BBQ
No, this isnt a Willie Nelsonthemed barbecue joint, but owner Bill Laviolette did name [Shotgun Willies BBQ](https://sgwbbq.com/) after the Red Headed Strangers sixteenth album. Laviolette was missing Texas barbecue after moving from Houston to [Nashville](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/shotgun-willies-nashville/), and jumped into food truck ownership in 2016. The business failed in less than a year, and he put aside the dream until he found the right building. Shotgun Willies was reborn—but with bad timing—in May 2020. He barely made enough on takeout orders to stay operational, but his perseverance paid off. His joint has become so popular that it demanded a larger space, which opened this year in Madison, just northeast of Nashville. Brisket and ribs are the stars here, but dont sleep on the smoked half chickens with a heavy rub and plenty of juice. The premade sausage comes from Kiolbassa in San Antonio. The mac and cheese is made with queso, and dessert is Texas sheet cake. Theres so much Texas on the menu that well allow the inclusion of Tennessee-style pulled pork.
**Pro tip:** The huge beef short ribs are only available on Saturdays.
### [Honorable Mentions](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/united-states-of-texas-bbq-honorable-mentions/)
It was hard to squeeze all my favorites onto one list, so heres the best of the rest.
---
## Utah
#### St. George
### Pica Rica BBQ
#### Ranked No. 7
Jason Neeley and Michael McHenry were looking for the right location for their new barbecue joint. In downtown St. George, they found a building that had been the first bakery in town, originally opened by the grandfather of Neeleys wife. It seemed like kismet, especially since the joint makes its own bread. At [**Pica Rica BBQ**](https://www.picaricabbq.com/), which opened last year, cooks work a rotating plancha near the register, heating house-made beef fat flour tortillas for tacos. They also bake telera bread for the signature chopped brisket torta, which gets layers of refried beans, jalapeño slaw, and guajillo and chile de árbol salsa. Its incredible, but the sliced brisket shines on its own. The beefy house-made sausage has a great snap and seasoning, but the smoked and fried chicken quarter is the star, with crispy skin, dressed with Alabama white sauce, cilantro, and tajin. Neeley is rightly proud of his tres leches cake, but the smoked peach and blueberry pie is one of the best slices Ive ever eaten.
**Pro tip:** On Thursdays, Pica Rica serves a smoked brisket burger with hand-cuts fries and fry sauce.
![](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Top-10-And-Newcomer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=79&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
---
## Virginia
#### Norfolk
### Redwood Smoke Shack
Barbecue was never supposed to be a full-blown business for Bob Roberts. Yes, he sold smoked meats from his driveway in 2017, but it was more of a hobby. Then the compliments poured in, and he was hooked. The first [Redwood Smoke Shack](https://redwoodsmokeshack.com/) opened in Norfolk in 2019, and another followed two years later, twenty miles away, in Virginia Beach. It took a few years for him to get his recipe for smoked sausage down, but Im glad he did—the jalapeño cheese link was pleasantly plump. The slices of lean brisket glisten with melted fat, and the thick spare ribs pull from the bone with minimal effort. During my visit, I drank the broth from the collard greens after finishing them, and they paired well with the sweet corn pudding. Finish the meal with the bananamisu, a more Italian take on traditional banana pudding.
**Pro tip:** Check out the huge signpost out front, which shows the distances to different barbecue joints across the country.
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Redwood-BBQ-2.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
A tray from Redwood Smoke Shack. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
![The United States of Texas Barbecue](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/united-states-of-barbecue-Redwood-BBQ-1.jpg?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=fit&fm=jpg&h=0&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=750)
Bob Roberts outside his Redwood Smoke Shack. Photograph by Daniel Vaughn
#### Richmond
### ZZQ
For a long while, I joked that the best barbecue for visitors to Washington, D.C., was a hundred miles south in Richmond, Virginia. Options in D.C. have improved, and thankfully [ZZQ](https://www.zzqrva.com/), which opened in 2018, has maintained its high standards. It all started when Texas native Chris Fultz tempted Alex Graf out of vegetarianism with a brisket hed smoked. Now theyre partners in life and business. Their pit room, equipped with smokers from Austin Smoke Works, is where Fultz spritzes the black bark of the briskets and wraps them in butcher paper—just like a scene right out of Texas. My latest visit was during the midafternoon hours, which can mean the meat is way past its prime, but the house-made sausage was still juicy and the brined chicken halves might as well have been fresh off the smoker. As for sides, the cowboy beans are simple and superb; the slaw is crunchy with a zing; and the Texas caviar will give you a new way for consuming black-eyed peas on New Years Day.
**Pro tip:** Want a smoked burger? Visit ZZQs sister restaurant Eazzy Burger next door.
---
## Washington
#### Seattle
### Jacks BBQ
Jack Timmons is a Dallas native and Texas A&M graduate who left his position at Microsoft in Seattle to pursue barbecue. His obsession started with the barbecue summer camp, hosted by [**Foodways Texas**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/food/foodways-texas-is-getting-fat-and-sassy-2/), in 2012, and he brought those smoky secrets back to Washington. A year later, *Seattle Met* magazine dubbed him the Brisket King of Seattle, based only on his monthly pop-ups. The following year, Timmons finally had his own joint, [**Jacks BBQ**](https://jacksbbq.com/), in [**brisket-starved Seattle**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/the-seattle-barbecue-experience/). In the decade since that opening, he has expanded to seven [**locations**](https://www.texasmonthly.com/bbq/seattle-washington-barbecue/) in the region, all of which serve a classic Texas menu. At the original, in the SoDo neighborhood, you can gaze at the offset smokers through the back window while dining on the popular Texas Trinity plate with tender slices of brisket, smoky pork ribs, and Texas-style hot links. Add a side of Texas caviar or Texas chili—made without beans, of course.
**Pro tip:** The pecan pie is made from a recipe that won top prize at the State Fair of Texas in 1996.
![Pioneer label](https://img.texasmonthly.com/2024/08/Pioneer.png?auto=compress&crop=faces&fit=scale&fm=png&h=179&ixlib=php-3.3.1&q=45&w=768&wpsize=medium_large)
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*Lead image food styling: Ali Mendez*
- [Sausage](https://www.texasmonthly.com/tag/sausage/)
- [Ribs](https://www.texasmonthly.com/tag/ribs/)
- [Restaurant Reviews](https://www.texasmonthly.com/tag/restaurant-reviews/)
- [Brisket](https://www.texasmonthly.com/tag/brisket/)
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