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"<a class=\"internal-link\" href=\"00.03 News/For the Women Who Accused the Trump Campaign of Harassment, It’s Been More Harassment.md\"> For the Women Who Accused the Trump Campaign of Harassment, It’s Been More Harassment </a>",
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# A double life: The cocaine kingpin who hid as a professional soccer player
ASUNCIÓN, Paraguay — The midfielder stepped up to take the penalty kick. It was a steamy, bright morning at Erico Galeano Stadium. In the stands, fans wearing yellow and blue stood up, squinting into the sun, focusing on the man with the number 10 on his back. On the sidelines, coaches crossed themselves as he ran toward the ball.
His name was Sebastián Marset. He had arrived at Deportivo Capiatá — a hardscrabble professional soccer team — out of nowhere. He drove a Lamborghini that he would careen across the gravel parking lot. He was square-jawed and handsome, covered in gold jewelry, Rolexes and ornate tattoos that ran down his right arm.
Marset was a mediocre player, with the skills of someone whose career peaked in high school. But when Capiatá’s coach, Jorge Nuñez, kept him on the bench, the players encircled Nuñez and told him that Marset *needed* to play.
## Read part two here:
“I kept wondering, ‘Who is this guy?’” Nuñez said in an interview.
And now here was Marset taking a critical spot kick. The score was 1-1. It was May 29, 2021, halfway through a tough season. A win could be the beginning of a turnaround.
Silence fell on the stadium, quickly followed by groans, coaches and staff recalled in interviews. The ball blazed five feet over the goal’s crossbar. Even the team’s security guard couldn’t hide his frustration, kicking the dirt, wondering aloud why Capiatá’s fate had been put in Marset’s hands.
Over the next two years, the reasons would become clear. Sebastián Marset, it turned out, was among the most important drug traffickers in South America, and one of the key figures behind a surge of cocaine arriving in Western Europe, according to Latin American, U.S. and European investigators.
Instead of hiding from authorities, he had used his fortune to purchase and sponsor soccer teams across Latin America and in Europe. U.S. and South American investigators would learn that he was using those teams to help launder millions in drug proceeds.
Along the way, Marset, now 33, deployed his power and wealth to fulfill a boyhood dream: He inserted himself into the starting lineups.
Sebastián Marset played on several professional soccer teams over a period of years. (Paraguay national police, iStock)
This story about Marset’s narco empire and his quixotic search for soccer glory is based on thousands of pages of internal documents provided by Paraguayan, Uruguayan and Bolivian police, wiretap transcripts obtained by The Washington Post, hundreds of Marset’s text messages as well as interviews with officials on three continents. Many of the officials — along with Marset’s associates, teammates, coaches, friends and former neighbors in Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia — spoke on the condition of anonymity, citing security concerns.
Marset’s odyssey reads like a transnational caper, bordering on the absurd. But it is a startling window into the level of impunity at the nexus of Latin American public life and the lower rungs of professional soccer, enabling drug traffickers to wield enormous influence in both worlds. Years after a global manhunt for him began, Marset remains at large.
His ascent was lightning fast — by age 28, according to a Paraguayan criminal indictment, Marset was moving cocaine and suitcases of cash across South America in a fleet of private jets. By 31, he had made more than $1 billion, authorities estimate. He placed stamps on his drug shipments that read “The King of the South,” the moniker he was trying to cultivate. He issued orders to deputies operating in four countries: where to put the cash, whom to pay off, how to hide the cocaine under packages of cookies or soybeans. He killed his enemies with no remorse, soliciting advice on how to disappear their bodies, according to his text messages, which were obtained and aggregated by the Paraguayan attorney general’s office.
Marset took breaks to play professional soccer — first at Capiatá — where he adopted the same assertive tone as when he coordinated drug shipments, imagining himself the midfield conductor, even as he struggled to keep up with his teammates. He paid $10,000 in cash to wear the No. 10 jersey, worn by Pelé, Maradona and Messi. When he shoved opposing players to the ground, referees failed to blow their whistles. Marset flashed a thousand-watt smile.
His rise coincided with the explosion in cocaine trafficking from South America to Europe. It was Marset who would help perfect that route, dispatching tons of drugs from Uruguayan ports to Belgium, the Netherlands and Germany, investigators say, forging ties with existing cartels around the world.
Building that empire and laundering its proceeds would bring Marset into contact with some of the continent’s most powerful politicians. Those ties were explicit: He borrowed a Paraguayan senator’s plane, he was caught trafficking drugs with the uncle of a Paraguayan president, and one of his lawyers secured meetings with top Uruguayan officials to secure his release from prison. Some of his most valuable connections, though, were in professional soccer.
The link between drug trafficking and soccer is almost as old as the U.S. drug war. Money spent on the sport is untraceable in much of Latin America. Player contracts, transfer fees, ticket proceeds, merchandise sales — almost all of it can be fudged, according to experts on money laundering, so that cocaine money used to fund a team is magically turned into soccer — and therefore clean — profits.
“The legitimization of illicit funds was done through sports,” the Paraguayan prosecutor’s office wrote in a 500-page internal investigation into Marset obtained by The Post.
It was more than that. Soccer in Latin America is the bedrock of power and politics. For a drug kingpin, running a soccer team, even in a lower league, translates criminal power into public power.
In the 1980s, Pablo Escobar, the Colombian drug kingpin, bankrolled his hometown soccer club, Atlético Nacional, turning it into one of Latin America’s best teams. When he was detained in 1991, he flew in famous players to play on the prison soccer field. In the early 2000s, Tirso Martínez, an associate of Mexican drug trafficker Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán, spent the millions he earned moving drugs to purchase several Mexican soccer teams. Martínez’s nickname was revealed after he was arrested and extradited to the United States in 2015: “El Futbolista.”
But Marset is the first major drug trafficker to use his status and wealth not only to bankroll professional soccer teams but to play on them. Some of his games were held just miles from where he had deposited the bodies of his cartel rivals, based on the descriptions in his text messages. Depending on whom you believe, his athletic career was either a sophisticated strategy to conceal his identity, or an attempt to fulfill an unrealized dream.
Asked which it was, Marset’s lawyer, Santiago Moratorio, laughed in his office in Montevideo, Uruguay’s capital.
“He always wanted to be a soccer player,” he said.
As U.S. and South American authorities chased Marset across the continent, to the Middle East and to Europe, he was always one step ahead, vanishing only to reappear on another professional soccer field, often using a new false identity. He was able to bribe his way out of a Dubai prison as U.S. officials **—** who came to see Marset as a threat to public institutions across Latin America — watched in frustration. He left a trail of high-profile murders in his wake, authorities allege, including Paraguay’s anti-corruption prosecutor, gunned down on his honeymoon at a Colombian beach resort.
As he ran from authorities, Marset left voice notes and video messages, often mocking the officials who trailed him.
“I’m too smart for you,” he said in one video message last August. The camera was tightly framed around his face. He wore a gold chain and a neat beard.
“If you want, keep hunting me, but I’m telling you that I’m far away.”
Authorities knew they were unlikely to catch Marset in the middle of a cocaine bust. So they adapted their investigation to its target: They began scouring professional soccer stadiums.
(Uruguayan senate investigation, Paraguay national police; iStock)
Marset was born in Piedras Blancas, a neighborhood of small split-level homes on the outskirts of Montevideo. Uruguay had long considered itself the “Switzerland of South America,” with among the lowest crime rates on the continent. But in Piedras Blancas, as Marset entered his teenage years, young men suddenly appeared selling and trafficking drugs. Homicides ticked up.
He was a top student at school, a skinny, whip-smart kid who liked to stand in front of the room and lecture his classmates as if he were the teacher. As he got older, though, he became single-minded about his goal: He wanted to be a professional soccer player. He and his friends played in the street, constructing makeshift goals out of stones. They used markers to sketch numbers on the back of their T-shirts because they couldn’t afford uniforms.
Marset’s dream of soccer stardom was, at least in part, about money. He worked at a gas station and blew his salary on a David Beckham Adidas track jacket. He went to nightclubs frequented by girls from wealthier neighborhoods. Friends said they sometimes spotted him walking home alone because he couldn’t afford bus fare from downtown Montevideo.
After high school, he started playing semiprofessional soccer in Montevideo’s intermediate division. It became clear quickly that Marset would not go further. He wasn’t fast enough. His touch was mediocre, his passes wayward.
Marset’s first interactions with Montevideo’s criminal underworld were minor. In 2009, at 18, he was arrested for possession of stolen goods and, a year later, at 19, for possession of narcotics, according to Uruguayan court records. But he made it clear that he was willing to take on more risk. When he was 22, Marset accepted a job receiving a shipment of marijuana scheduled to arrive in rural Uruguay on a small plane from Paraguay, according to Uruguayan police. It was normally an assignment for a team of men, but the traffickers by then trusted him to receive the shipment alone.
A mug shot of Marset. (Uruguay national police; iStock)
He waited on a farm not far from Uruguay’s northern border with Brazil, standing next to his black Chevrolet Cruz. What he didn’t know was that police had been tipped off. They arrived in the clearing where Marset was waiting. He immediately gave himself up to the two officers from the Brigada Antidrogas, the country’s elite anti-narcotics police.
Marset explained that he was a professional soccer player. He was shrewd and respectful, one of the agents recalled. Soon the officers would learn that the shipment of drugs wasn’t an amateur affair; the pilot was the uncle of Paraguay’s president at the time, Horacio Cartes.
The agents handcuffed Marset and took an improvised mug shot in their field office. One of the agents looked at the other when Marset was out of earshot.
“This guy is going to be a big problem for us someday,” he recalled saying.
### III
Marset was sentenced to five years in prison for drug trafficking. He was sent to Libertad, one of the country’s largest prisons, and placed in a section devoted to drug trafficking and organized crime.
It was there that he expanded his criminal contacts, investigators said. He got a job as a prison cleaner, which meant he could visit almost every cell in the block, chatting with inmates as he mopped. He met prominent international drug traffickers, including members of the Italian mafia and Brazilians from the increasingly influential First Capital Command gang. The men played soccer in the afternoons — fierce matches in the prison yard.
“He was lost for soccer,” said one prison guard.
Drug trafficking in South America was on the verge of a major shift. For years, the cocaine produced in Colombia, Bolivia and Peru was bound almost exclusively for the United States. Then, by the late 2000s, American pressure on drugs being smuggled to the United States forced traffickers to search for new markets and new routes.
Large drug shipments had rarely moved south, into Paraguay and Uruguay. But Montevideo, Marset’s hometown, had a port that dispatched massive quantities of commercial goods to Europe daily. For the traffickers, it was a nearly untapped source of revenue. And Marset realized that he was sitting right on top of it.
Images of Sebastián Marset's fake passports.
He was released from prison in 2018, at age 27. Within a few months, he was on his way to Paraguay to build the trafficking network he had begun to imagine in prison, investigators said. His connections to Brazilian and Italian organized crime appear to have laid the groundwork for his ascent. Marset began traveling under a false Bolivian passport, using the name Gabriel De Souza Beumer. It would be his first of multiple identities.
While most fugitive drug traffickers are circumspect when talking about their empires, Marset and his associates speak proudly of his ascent. Even his lawyer, Moratorio, wanted to emphasize his client’s skill set.
“Everyone leaves prison with contacts,” Moratorio said. “But it was also his own ability, and what he did when he got out, that got him to where he is now.”
### IV
By 2020, Paraguayan and U.S. authorities had noticed the increase in cocaine arriving in Paraguay from Bolivia, bound for Europe via Uruguay’s ports. Some of the shipments were stamped with an abbreviation officials had never seen before: PCU, which stood for Primer Cartel Uruguayo.
It was an obvious target for U.S. and Paraguayan investigators: Who was behind the new cocaine boom?
Paraguayan officials secured wiretaps on phones linked to the criminal network. They recruited spies among the drug traffickers. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration dispatched planes to photograph the clandestine airfields that were popping up across Paraguay.
Within months, officials from both countries began hearing about a man at the center of the organization.
“A young Uruguayan man with his right arm tattooed” was the working description of the target as the investigation began, said one U.S. official.
“He was young but clearly powerful,” said a former senior Paraguayan official.
On wiretapped phone lines, his associates and employees referred to him only as “El Jefe Mayor”: “The Big Boss.” When he traveled, he sometimes disguised himself as a priest so authorities would be less likely to question him. He named his drug shipments using code words from the soccer world: “Maradona,” after the legendary Argentine player, and “Manchester,” after the English city with two famous Premier League teams.
When he felt threatened, he responded violently. He described the men he killed in flippant text messages illustrated with gory photos. The messages were later obtained by investigators.
“I shot him twice,” he wrote in a text. “It seems to me he dropped dead.”
“Do we have a place to disappear a body?” he asked a few weeks later. “Is it best to put it in acid?”
Of another victim’s body, he wrote: “That one was dumped in a field. It will be on the news in the next few days.”
Officials documented how the unnamed man and his organization moved enormous quantities of cocaine. They would dispatch small airplanes from Paraguay’s main commercial airport, and then the pilots would turn off their radar. They would secretly fly across the border to Bolivia, landing on remote farms in Chapare, the country’s coca-growing region, where traffickers would fill the planes with between one and two tons of cocaine.
Then the planes would return to Paraguay, landing at one of the clandestine airstrips that now peppered the northern part of the country. The cocaine was taken by trucks to container ships waiting on the Paraguay River, which flows through Paraguay to the mouth of the Atlantic Ocean. Traffickers knew that those ships were almost never inspected before arriving in Europe; the port of Montevideo had only one semi-functional scanner. Each planeload of cocaine was worth more than $20 million once offloaded in Belgium or the Netherlands.
Officials identified at least 13 private jets being used by the cartel. Four of them, investigators found, were exclusively used to move cash.
But officials struggled to learn the name of the man who was running the operation, the tattooed young Uruguayan. Nor did they know that when his voice disappeared from the wiretaps for stretches, it wasn’t always because he was off trafficking cocaine.
Often it was because he was in the middle of a professional soccer game.
### V
One rainy morning in early 2021, employees at Erico Galeano Stadium heard an engine revving in the gravel parking lot. When they got closer, they saw a silver Lamborghini speeding in tight circles, skidding across the surface.
The team’s security guard approached the car. The driver rolled down his window.
“I asked him, ‘Aren’t you worried about damaging your car?’” said the guard, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for security reasons. “And he just looked at me and said, ‘Don’t worry. I have four more.’”
It was Marset. He extended his right hand, with a lion tattooed across the knuckles, and introduced himself as Deportivo Capiatá’s newest player.
Marset began attending daily practice sessions and posing for team photos, always in the center of the frame. He was like a kid who had sneaked onto the field to play with his heroes — exuberant but inept. He brought his wife and three young sons to watch him play; he wanted them to see a win.
(Paraguay national police; Bolivian court documents; iStock)
He made a deal with his teammates. He would pay each of them several thousand dollars on top of their existing contracts for each victory. For many of the players, it was a life-changing sum. For Marset, who was living in a penthouse in the glittering Palacio de los Patos condominium, above a sauna and a 75-foot pool, it was nothing.
But Capiatá kept struggling, in part because of Marset’s performance. He botched passes, failed to track back to help his defenders and scuffed easy goal-scoring chances. As the team continued to lose, Capiatá officials recalled, one young player broke down in tears, having missed another chance at earning the bonus Marset had promised.
By then, Marset was attempting to balance his professional soccer career with a vibrant social life among the elite in Paraguay’s capital, Asunción. On April 11, 2021, he dispatched invitations across the city. They were in the form of fake boarding passes that said: “Birthday of Commander Sebastián Marset.”
It was his 30th birthday. The party was airplane-themed. A private jet was parked outside the venue. Attendees posed for photos behind the cutout of a plane that said “Emirates Marset.” The cake was five-tiered, with an edible airplane sitting on top.
The next day, he was back at practice. The players began wondering what investigators later would: Of all the teams in Paraguay, why had Marset arrived on theirs?
### VI
Deportivo Capiatá was the pride of an Asunción suburb. The team famously beat Boca Juniors, Latin America’s most celebrated club, in Argentina in 2014 — a huge underdog win. (Capiatá ultimately lost the second leg of the contest after a penalty shootout.)
For a time, Capiatá’s success was attributed to its powerful backer, Erico Galeano, whom the team’s stadium was named after.
Galeano was a Paraguayan senator and tobacco baron. He had close ties to the country’s most influential politician, former president Cartes, who was put on the U.S. sanctions list for “rampant corruption.” Cartes was effectively still running portions of the country.
Both men had used soccer for political and financial gain — and worked in Paraguay’s National Congress to keep sports teams exempt from money-laundering legislation. Cartes funneled tens of millions of dollars to one of the country’s biggest soccer clubs, Libertad, and Galeano threw millions at Deportivo Capiatá, according to government records. Roughly $1.3 million of Galeano’s investment in the team appears to have come from cocaine trafficking, Paraguay’s attorney general would later [argue](https://www.observador.com.py/por-proveer-avioneta-erico-recibio-dinero-narco-invirtio-en-club-y-compro-vehiculos-e-inmuebles/?s=08&itid=lk_inline_enhanced-template).
Erico Galeano, a Paraguayan senator, left. Horacio Cartes, Paraguay’s former president, right. (Obtained by The Washington Post; Daniel Duarte/AFP/Getty Images; iStock)
Galeano and the club declined requests for comment. Cartes’s lawyer, Pedro Ovelar, said that the U.S. sanctions against Cartes represented “political persecution” and that his relationship with Galeano was a “political relationship, not a commercial one.”
By 2016, Galeano was elected president of Capiatá. At games, he sat just above the sideline in the center of the stadium. The team’s popularity translated to his own.
But it had begun to struggle. Capiatá was relegated to the country’s second division in 2019. Once-loyal fans stopped attending games. Players complained that the team’s equipment and gear were inadequate.
When he arrived in 2021, Marset began bankrolling improvements: new physical therapy beds, televisions, better food in the cafeteria. It was enough to win over his teammates. Though he wasn’t formally listed as the team’s owner, he poured drug money into Capiatá, investigators say, and siphoned a portion of its revenue.
The deal was even sweeter than that: Marset also bought himself a spot on the squad.
But the team’s coach, Nuñez, a former player on the Paraguayan World Cup team, was not impressed.
“I had the obligation to win or else they would fire me,” said Nuñez, who initially planned to keep Marset on the bench. “But it wasn’t the same for him. He was just having fun.”
There seemed to be only one person, investigators said, who could have brought Marset to Capiatá: Galeano. Paraguayan prosecutors found that Marset had been using the private jet of Galeano’s company to ferry his associates. Prosecutors also identified property deals between Galeano and Marset’s cartel. They would later indict the senator.
“Erico Galeano Segovia was at the service of the transnational criminal organization, dedicated to the international trafficking of cocaine,” the attorney general’s office wrote this year. The case has yet to go to trial.
Marset initially seemed unconcerned that his soccer career at Capiatá might raise his profile with authorities. He allowed the team to publish his name on its roster before games each week.
But by the end of May 2021, Marset learned that narcotics officers were trying to find him. It appears he was tipped off by high-level contacts in the Paraguayan government, investigators said.
He stopped going to practice at Capiatá. His name was abruptly taken off the team’s roster.
When players passed his empty locker, they asked if anyone had heard from him. No one had.
It would not be his last time playing professional soccer while on the run. Capiatá was only the beginning, proof of what he could get away with.
As the manhunt for Marset grew, he doubled down on his double life as a professional player. He attempted to expand his soccer empire to Europe; he appeared on the starting lineups of new teams in new countries.
It seemed a foolish approach to evading arrest, the kind of arrogance that was destined to backfire.
Except it didn’t.
*This is the first of a two-part series. Click on* [*this link*](https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/interactive/2024/sebastian-marset-cocaine-investigation-soccer-football/?itid=lk_inline_enhanced-template) *to read the second part, “As a drug trafficker pursued his dreams of soccer glory, investigators began to close in.”*
##### About this story
Design and development by Kathleen Rudell-Brooks and Yutao Chen. Editing by Peter Finn, Reem Akkad, Jennifer Samuel and Joseph Moore. Video editing by Jon Gerberg. Research by Cate Brown. Copy editing by Anne Kenderdine and Martha Murdock.
Lucas Silva in Montevideo, Uruguay; Aldo Benítez in Asunción; Elinda Labropoulou in Athens; Yiannis Tsakarisianos in Trikala, Greece; Samantha Schmidt in Bogotá, Colombia; and Fernando Durán Arancibia in Santa Cruz, Bolivia, contributed to this report.
Credits for top illustration: Illustration by Kathleen Rudell Brooks/The Washington Post; Interior Ministry of Uruguay; Bolivian national police; Paraguay national police; Uruguay national police; Cruceña Soccer Association.
From the moment that Joe Biden announced his candidacy for President, in 2019, he has been attacked as being too old. At the time, Biden was seventy-six and cast himself as a “transitional” figure—a “bridge” to the next generation. Since then, he has governed admirably, passing more meaningful legislation than almost anyone thought possible with flimsy Democratic majorities in Congress. But, in the past year, concerns about his fitness have gained traction and credibility. Staff, donors, and elected officials have [divulged](https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/05/biden-aging-recent-months/) mental lapses; in February, the special counsel [Robert Hur labelled](https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-impossible-role-of-robert-hur) the President a “well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory” in a report about Biden’s handling of classified documents. Last month, with more than fifty million Americans watching, Biden delivered [one of the worst Presidential-debate performances](https://www.newyorker.com/news/letter-from-bidens-washington/was-the-debate-the-beginning-of-the-end-of-joe-bidens-presidency) in history, stumbling over numbers and words, losing his train of thought, and struggling to finish sentences. He often [appeared unfocussed](https://www.newyorker.com/culture/annals-of-appearances/the-writing-on-joe-bidens-face-at-the-presidential-debate), with a slack jaw and blank eyes; afterward, the First Lady gingerly helped him off the stage.
After the debate, Axios reported that before 10 *A.M.* and after 4 *P.M.* the President tends to tire and misspeak; Biden, who is eighty-one, said at a press conference, “I just got to pace myself a little more.” Meanwhile, supporters tried to excuse his performance by invoking jet lag, a cold, a busy schedule, poor preparation, too much preparation, and a blanket shield of “good days and bad days.” These are the kinds of difficult conversations one has when considering whether one’s grandfather can safely drive—not whether someone should run the country. Democrats, meanwhile, have damned the President with a mixture of tepid endorsements and outright defections. After Biden reaffirmed his intention to stay in the race, Representative Nancy Pelosi, who is eighty-four and announced in 2022 that she would not again pursue the House Speakership, told MSNBC, “It’s up to the President to decide if he is going to run.” At least twenty Democratic members of the House of Representatives have publicly called on Biden to withdraw from the race, and, last week, Peter Welch, of Vermont, became the first Democratic senator to do so.
We all experience fluctuations in how we feel and perform. But the frequency and the severity of fluctuations matter: occasionally misplacing your keys or forgetting a friend’s birthday is far less concerning than regularly losing your train of thought, which can be a sign of an evolving cognitive impairment. Trajectory and rapidity matter, too: a gradual descent may portend a different prognosis than a swift and jagged decline. Since [the debate](https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-reckoning-of-joe-biden), I’ve asked nine doctors—including an internist, geriatricians, neurologists, and a neurosurgeon—to reflect on President Biden’s health. Most of them are, politically speaking, left of center; they practice in different parts of the country and range in age from their thirties to their sixties. They were careful to stipulate that they couldn’t diagnose the President from afar, and none wanted to be quoted by name. But almost all of them were concerned about the possibility that Biden’s symptoms might go beyond a gradual, aging-related decline, and could potentially be attributed to something more serious, such as a meaningful cognitive impairment or neurodegenerative condition. Most felt that an evaluation for neurological disorders would be reasonable. One neurologist, who practices on the West Coast and identifies as a Democrat, told me that Biden’s debate performance troubled a large number of her colleagues. “All of us had a gut reaction that this is not normal,” the neurologist told me.
In my own practice, I often review a patient’s clinical record before a visit, only to be surprised by the person I ultimately meet. Perhaps she’s healthier or sicker than her chart suggests; maybe a symptom she shares during my exam upends the expected diagnosis. This is good, careful medicine, and a reminder that no doctor should confidently diagnose someone based solely on video clips. Many medical professionals understandably prefer not to comment on public figures. Openly dissecting a person’s health feels intrusive and unseemly, and, even if a person is diagnosed as having a neurological condition, that is no reason to deny them participation in work and life. But it also seems reasonable, even unavoidable, for a different standard to apply when that person’s actions could affect the lives of millions of people for years to come. Talking to the specialists about the President’s health, I questioned whether their expertise should remain behind the veil of professional norms. My fellow-doctors were able to contextualize Biden’s symptoms; they refined my understanding of what tests might be informative and what the next few years might look like. Doesn’t the public deserve the same?
Perhaps the central hallmark of aging is that, over time, physiological stressors—a cold, a fall, a bad night’s sleep—have a deeper and more prolonged impact. Small disturbances start to make a big difference, an especially precarious prospect for those with jobs that require a steady hand—pilots and surgeons, yes, but also Presidents. One reason that performing at a debate is more difficult—and more telling—than performing at a rally is that the two draw on different cognitive resources. One is reading sheet music; the other, improvising a jazz solo. We prize mental agility in our leaders not only because it allows them to inspire and persuade but also because of what it implies about their proficiency when we’re not watching. What kind of performance can Biden still deliver, and for how much longer? “We’re all talking about it in the neuro world,” a neurosurgeon told me. “But I don’t think anyone wants to be the one to say something publicly.”
Presidential health has always been a [matter of intrigue](https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/presidential-illnesses-have-changed-the-course-of-world-history) and obfuscation. Grover Cleveland once boarded a friend’s yacht, ostensibly for a fishing trip, and had an oral tumor excised. (Surgeons removed part of his jaw but were careful to preserve his walrus mustache.) After Woodrow Wilson suffered an incapacitating stroke, his wife, Edith, shielded him from scrutiny and assumed many of his daily responsibilities. Ronald Reagan, who was given a diagnosis of Alzheimer’s disease after leaving office, [reportedly](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/worrying-about-reagan) showed such significant signs of impairment during his second term that his closest aides considered invoking the Twenty-fifth Amendment.
Doctors were once much less hesitant to comment on the health of public figures. In 1964, the magazine *Fact* surveyed more than twelve thousand psychiatrists about the mental fitness of Barry Goldwater, the Republican nominee for President. Around twenty-five hundred responded; nearly half said that he was unfit. In a [forty-one-page](https://firstamendment.mtsu.edu/article/goldwater-rule/) article, the magazine published the results along with sensational quotes. (“I believe Goldwater has the same pathological makeup as Hitler, Castro, Stalin, and other known schizophrenic leaders,” one psychiatrist [speculated](https://www.psychiatry.org/news-room/goldwater-rule).) Goldwater won a libel suit against the magazine, but he lost the election in a landslide. Some years later, the American Psychiatric Association advanced the [Goldwater Rule](https://www.psychiatry.org/news-room/goldwater-rule), which holds that it is unethical for psychiatrists to offer their professional opinion about public figures whom they have not examined, and about whom they have not been granted permission to speak. It was intended, in part, to prevent speculative, unverifiable commentary under the guise of scientific expertise.
Some physicians believe that the Goldwater Rule is in tension with another obligation: one’s duty to use her knowledge to educate the public about issues of societal importance. In 2017, amid rampant speculation about Donald Trump’s mental fitness, the A.P.A. reaffirmed its position, and the American Medical Association adopted a guideline stating that physicians in all specialties should refrain “from making clinical diagnoses about individuals... they have not had the opportunity to personally examine.” That year, however, Bandy X. Lee, an assistant clinical professor of psychiatry at Yale, convened dozens of mental-health specialists at a conference called “Duty to Warn” to discuss the ethics of speaking out about Trump’s psychology. Afterward, she edited and published a [collection of essays](https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/diagnosing-donald-trump), titled “[The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President](https://www.amazon.com/dp/1250179459),” in which writers discussed such conditions as sociopathy, malignant narcissism, and antisocial personality disorder. The book became a *Times* best-seller. John Kelly, Trump’s second chief of staff, [reportedly consulted](https://www.theguardian.com/books/2022/sep/15/john-kelly-dangerous-case-donald-trump-peter-baker-susan-glasser-divider) it when trying to constrain the former President’s erratic behavior.
Lee’s contract at Yale, where she’d attended medical school and taught for nearly two decades, was not renewed. But she told me that the Declaration of Geneva, adopted by the World Medical Association in the wake of the Second World War, compels doctors to speak out in the face of a looming threat. “It’s not about diagnosing a person,” Lee said. “It’s about protecting the public health. A President has the power to destroy the world several times over. A leader who is unstable presents a clear and present danger. How can we stay silent?” Lee argued that Trump’s behavior was more worrying than Biden’s current health, and she may be right. Her argument about the duty to warn, however, seems to apply equally to Biden.
Most of the doctors I spoke with said that comprehensive neuropsychological and motor testing, along with imaging, would be needed to secure or dismiss a particular diagnosis. This would involve a suite of tests—administered in the course of hours, possibly days—that examine a person’s attention, memory, mood, and semantic fluency. (Such tests would go beyond the one that Trump often brags about having “[aced](https://www.nytimes.com/article/trump-cognitive-test.html)”—the Montreal Cognitive Assessment, a screening test, not a diagnostic exam, whose results are [influenced](https://academic.oup.com/acn/article/27/2/165/4917) by a person’s educational background. “A Nobel laureate with dementia could score perfectly on that test,” one geriatrician in the Northeast told me.) When I asked another doctor whether pressure to receive testing could fuel ageism, she told me that much of her work aims to fight age-related biases. But, “in recent months, this has clearly become a question of function, not just of chronological age,” she said. She added that she had treated many patients with similar symptoms who ultimately deteriorated.
The President’s medical team, which has actually evaluated him, has consistently said that he does not show signs of a neurodegenerative condition. In February, Biden’s physician, Kevin O’Connor, attributed the President’s stiff gait to spinal arthritis. He wrote that the President had undergone an “extremely detailed” neurological exam, and that there were “no findings which would be consistent with” a central neurological disorder such as Parkinson’s. He did not say whether a cognitive assessment was performed; he noted that Biden had received “radiologic imaging,” but didn’t specify which kind, or what parts of the body were being scanned. (An MRI of the brain can sometimes detect neurological abnormalities.) Earlier this month, the *Times* [reported](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/08/us/politics/parkinsons-expert-white-house.html) that a motor-disorders expert had repeatedly visited the White House in the past year; the White House said that most of these visits were to treat other personnel, not Biden, and that the President has met with the expert no more than three times, as part of his annual physicals. Biden’s physician also emphasized that the expert was selected “not because he is a movement disorder specialist, but because he is a highly trained and highly regarded neurologist.” Then, in an interview released on Wednesday, the President [said](https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/17/us/politics/biden-health-election-drop-out.html) for the first time that he would consider withdrawing from the race if he had “some medical condition that emerged... if doctors came to me and said, ‘You got this problem.’ ” No such diagnosis has been rendered. (That day, Biden also tested positive for *COVID* and cancelled a campaign event in Las Vegas. O’Connor indicated that the President has experienced only mild symptoms so far.)
# Pablo Escobar’s Abandoned Hippos Are Wreaking Havoc in the Colombian Jungle
Photographs by [Gena Steffens](https://www.smithsonianmag.com/author/gena-steffens/)
In the steamy heat of afternoon, Yamit Diaz Romerosteered our motorized longboat around overhanging bamboo branches and islets in the Claro Cocorná Sur River, in western Colombia. Red howler monkeys swung from the cables of a footbridge and screeched in the jungle. Herons, snowy egrets, brown pelicans and parakeets darted across the coffee-colored water and soared over our heads. The river is known as a destination for white-water rafting. But these days it’s also become the scene of a more unsettling natural phenomenon.
Joining me on the vessel was Alejandro Mira, a veterinarian from Medellín, and Joshua Wilson, an American jujitsu champion and world traveler who had hitched a ride with Mira and me and was sharing the experience with his followers on social media. Fishermen motoring from the opposite direction gave warnings to Romero about what lay ahead. After an hour, the Claro Cocorná spilled into the Magdalena River, the longest in Colombia, which originates in the Andes and flows north for 950 miles before emptying into the Caribbean Sea.
Romero, a solid man with black-framed spectacles and a pink camouflage shirt, scanned the river and pointed straight ahead. Near the opposite bank, 300 yards away, three pairs of gray ears flicked, and beady eyes darted above the water line. The boatman circled cautiously, then winced when Wilson, the jujitsu champion, suddenly launched an aerial drone and banged on the boat’s gunwale to get the animals’ attention. One animal raised a gigantic, bulbous head and opened its mouth, exposing a sharp set of canines. “Tourists think that this is cute,” Romero told me in Spanish. “But it’s a sign of aggression.”
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A hippo in the Magdalena River, Colombia’s longest waterway, where the descendants of Escobar’s menagerie are increasingly taking up residence, threatening plant and animal life. Gena Steffens
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Yamit Diaz Romero, a fisherman turned hippo-tour guide, on the Claro Cocorná Sur River, a tributary of the Magdalena, near Doradal. Gena Steffens
You might not expect to encounter wild hippopotamuses, the huge, semiaquatic mammal native to sub-Saharan Africa, in the rivers—and ponds, swamps, lakes, forests and roads—of rural Colombia. Their increasingly ubiquitous presence here is an unlikely legacy of [Pablo Escobar](https://www.smithsonianchannel.com/episodes/hsp1ci/the-curious-life-and-death-of-the-curious-life-and-death-of-pablo-escobar-season-1-ep-6), the infamous drug baron from Medellín. Decades ago, Escobar spent part of his vast fortune assembling a menagerie of exotic animals, including elephants, giraffes, zebras, ostriches and kangaroos, at his hacienda outside Doradal, a town about ten miles west of the Magdalena. After he was shot dead in Medellín by Colombian police, in 1993, local people poured onto the property and tore apart Escobar’s villa in search of rumored caches of money and weapons. Afterward, the hacienda sank into ruin. In 1998, the government seized possession of the property and eventually transferred most of the animals to domestic zoos. But several hippos—most sources say three females and one male—were considered too dangerous to move. And that’s how Colombia’s current trouble began.
[](https://subscribe.smithsonianmag.com/?idx=582&inetz=article-banner-ad&promo_name=current-issue&promo_position=in_article&promo_creative=button&promo_id=subscribe)
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Escobar, left, and a bodyguard, at a soccer game in Medellín in 1983. AP Images
The hippos multiplied. (Once they reach maturity, female hippos can produce a calf every 18 months, and they can give birth 25 times during a life span of 40 to 50 years.) Males cast out of the herd by the dominant male migrated elsewhere, started their own herds and took over new territory. Today nobody knows how many hippos inhabit the rivers and lakes of the Magdalena Basin, which covers roughly 100,000 square miles and is home to two-thirds of Colombia’s human population. As of late 2023, the official government count was 169. [David Echeverri López](https://www.cornare.gov.co/estructura-organizacional/), chief of the Biodiversity Management Office of Cornare, a regional environmental agency, says the number could be 200. Colombian biologists recently predicted that by 2040, if nothing is done to control their breeding, the population will grow to as many as 1,400. The hippos will use the Magdalena River as their primary expansion route, says Francisco Sánchez, an environmental official in the riverside municipality of Puerto Triunfo, which includes Doradal. “They’ll get all the way to the sea, because they will just follow the river.” He calls the situation “completely out of control.”
The presence of these beasts in the heart of South America, waddling at night down rural paths and staring into the headlights of jeeps and motorcycles, might be comical if it weren’t so deadly serious. In Africa, hippos are thought to kill some 500 people a year, making them among the most dangerous animals to humans, according to the BBC and other sources. And while for now violent encounters in Colombia have been limited, unsettling incidents are increasing. The beasts have attacked farmers and destroyed crops. Last year, a car struck and killed a hippo crossing a highway. (Hippos tend to spend daytime hours in the water and move around land at night, adding to a menacing sense of danger striking in the dark.) This wasn’t long after a hippo lumbered into the yard of a school, sending frightened teachers and kids running for cover. The animal munched on fruit that had fallen from trees before shuffling off to nearby fields. Although nobody was hurt, the incident was widely covered in the Colombian media, increasing pressure on authorities to do something before the problem spins out of control.
And the danger is hardly limited to people. Colombian scientists are sounding alarms about the impact on the region’s ecosystem. For example, a single hippo produces up to 20 pounds of feces a day. In Africa, the dung long provided nutrients for fish populations in rivers and lakes, but in recent years, perhaps as a consequence of warming temperatures, water-intensive agriculture and increasing drought, the dung has accumulated to toxic levels in stagnating pools, killing off the same aquatic life that once benefited from it. Experts fear the same thing could happen in Colombia. And competition for food and space could displace otters, West Indian manatees, capybaras and turtles. “If I lived in Colombia, I would be worried,” [Rebecca Lewison](https://cmi.sdsu.edu/rebecca-lewison/), an ecologist at San Diego State University’s Coastal and Marine Institute, told me. “Colombia has great biodiversity, and this is not a system that has evolved to support a mega-herbivore.”
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Hippos lurk in a lake near a herd of wild capybara, one of several native species, including manatees, otters and turtles, that ecologists worry may be displaced by the rapidly growing hippo population. Gena Steffens
This bizarre problem is compelling Colombian conservationists to search for unusual solutions, which is one reason I found myself with Mira on the Magdalena, staking out unsuspecting hippos. Mira is a member of a newly formed, first-of-its-kind animal control program, which seeks not to capture or “cull” the hippos but to sterilize them in the wild. But the procedure, an invasive surgical castration, is medically complicated, expensive and sometimes dangerous for hippos as well as for the people performing it. After successfully piloting the program last year, the team sterilized seven hippos in three months—a considerable achievement, but short of the estimated 40 castrations a year they believe will be necessary to control the population. “There have been sterilizations in zoos, but no information was available about doing this in the wild,” Mira told me. “We basically had to learn it as we went along.”
As we circled the hippos, Romero, the boatman, kept a judicious distance. Mira and I had come, during a hiatus in the castrations, to see for ourselves the growth of the population, but viewing hippos in the wild can be risky. Half an hour into our excursion, the boat engine abruptly died. Romero yanked on the pull cord. The motor responded with a sputter. He yanked again—nothing. With mounting frustration, and sweat pouring down his face, the boatman tugged and pulled the rope. Meanwhile, we drifted toward the hippo pod. The creatures turned toward us, watching. Wilson, the jujitsu champion, returned the stare. Then he muttered, “Uh oh.” Finally, with a powerful jerk, Romero brought the engine back to life, and we slowly motored back in the other direction toward the Claro Cocorná.
---
When Pablo Escobar appeared in Puerto Triunfo in 1978, the government had just constructed a two-lane asphalt highway between Medellín and the Magdalena River, making the jungled region far more accessible. The 28-year-old Escobar identified himself as a “businessman” and announced that he was looking to buy property. “There was very good tree cover and good water resources,” Sánchez, the local environmental official, said, as we sat in Puerto Triunfo’s riverfront town hall, where he has worked for more than three decades. “It was the perfect place to build a retreat.” After a search, Escobar bought a 5,000-acre property near Doradal.
The drug baron installed an airplane runway, a villa, heliports, aircraft hangars, horse stables, 27 artificial lakes, a dinosaur theme park and a bull ring. He also hired a staff of more than 1,000 people to run the hacienda. In the early 1980s, inspired by other Latin American drug traffickers and drawn to the symbolic power of wild beasts, he reportedly paid exotic animal breeders in Dallas $2 million in cash for the first animals in his menagerie. Many more, including the hippos, were procured from other dealers and possibly zoos. Sánchez told me that he examined the records of Escobar’s transactions in the archives at town hall, but the documentation was destroyed when the Magdalena River flooded the town in the 1990s.
Escobar was picky about his animals. “He would not buy lions, tigers or other big cats,” Sánchez said. “Taking care of carnivores is very complicated. Just keeping them fed is a tremendous amount of work.” Escobar had also decided to open his menagerie to the public, and he didn’t want predators roaming freely around the grounds. Giving ordinary Colombians access “was a way of making himself popular,” Sánchez said. In the early 1980s, crowds stood in line for hours in the heat at the hacienda gates, waiting to board electric vehicles and bounce over the property past elephants, ostriches and other wild beasts. Sánchez did the tour himself in 1982. “There was a female elephant that would put her trunk inside the cars, and people loved her,” he recalled.
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An exhibition at Hacienda Nápoles, Escobar’s former estate, now a memorial museum to his victims, shows the aftermath of a car bombing in Bogotá in the 1980s. Gena Steffens
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Escobar jet-skiing on a lake on the property. Gena Steffens
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Visitors wander the exhibition, set in Escobar's former private villa. Gena Steffens
Escobar’s days at Hacienda Nápoles didn’t last long. After he was publicly identified as a leader of the Medellín Cartel, he fled into hiding. In 1984, he dispatched a hit team to assassinate Colombia’s minister of justice. Five years after that, an unwitting courier carried a bomb onto a Colombian airliner, which blew up midflight, killing all 107 people on board. Escobar’s intended victim, presidential candidate César Gaviria Trujillo, had missed the flight; he was later elected president and made the capture or killing of drug traffickers a priority. As Colombia’s security forces hunted the *narcotraficante*, violence spread across the region. Right-wing death squads known as *autodefensas* formed an alliance with drug cartels—offering the cartel members protection in return for a cut of their profits—and declared war on the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), a Marxist guerrilla group, and its sympathizers. Puerto Triunfo became a center of the violence, with many people kidnapped and murdered during the late 1980s and 1990s.
After Escobar was shot dead and his property abandoned, the hippos survived on their own, eating the grass, fruits and other plants that proliferated on the land. Over the years, the population established new pods beyond the hacienda. Reports trickled in that the animals were trampling farmland, attacking cattle and menacing fishing boats.
By 2008, the population had reached about two dozen, and Colombia’s Ministry of the Environment decided it was time to act. Echeverri López, who had recently graduated from the University of Antioquia in Medellín with a botany degree, was hired to help search for solutions. One of his first initiatives was to seek advice from wildlife experts in South Africa, who visited Doradal to investigate. “They told me, ‘You have a problem,’” Echeverri López, a bearded, 40-year-old biologist said as we sat in a restaurant in Doradal, a lively tourist town four hours east of Medellín. “They said, ‘The only solution is to kill them.’”
The next year, the government hired a hunter to begin culling the hippos, but when a photograph circulated in the media showing the corpse of a male called [Pepe](https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2009-jul-15-fg-colombia-hippos15-story.html), who had wandered 60 miles from Escobar’s hacienda, pro-hippo protests erupted across Colombia. Echeverri López found himself puzzled by the response. “I was saying to myself, ‘Think about how many people are murdered in Colombia every day.’” This was a time when the ongoing civil war was still claiming the lives of more than a thousand civilians per year. “And then there’s this outpouring of sentiment to protect the hippo. I couldn’t explain it.” In the face of public outrage, the minister of the environment resigned, and hippo killings were put on hold.
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David Echeverri López, who oversees the hippo sterilization program for Cornare, the agency leading the effort. Gena Steffens
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Katerín Corrales, left, and Sofía Fernández Africano, both biologists, examine photographs from camera traps set along the Magdalena to track the growth and distribution of the hippo population and analyze targets for sterilization. Gena Steffens
Echeverri López was obliged to search for other methods. “I had nothing in my background to suggest I could handle this,” he admitted to me. Conservation teams prowled the region near Escobar’s hacienda at night, looking for hippos to shoot with tranquilizer darts while they grazed. But it took an hour for the tranquilizer to have an effect, by which time the animal had returned to the water. In 2011, veterinarians managed to anesthetize and castrate one hippo named Napolitano 50 miles from Escobar’s former ranch. A military helicopter then transported the unconscious beast in a cage back to the hacienda, to regather the wandering hippos at their point of origin. But the helicopter’s engine overheated, and the pilot barely made it down safely.
To contain the hippos, Cornare tried cordoning off the hacienda with bushes, barbed wire and electric fences, but the animals kept finding escape routes. The agency approached zoos in India, the Philippines, Ecuador and other countries about adopting the animals, but the plan was criticized by the Hippo Specialist Group of the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN), a Switzerland-based committee of biologists and animal conservationists. A zoo relocation program, IUCN declared in 2023, “would be extremely costly, have no conservation benefit, and represents a poor use of conservation resources that are critically needed to protect common hippos” in Africa. Cornare’s initiative has yet to result in a single transfer.
“Most captive facilities can’t accommodate them,” says Lewison, the San Diego State University ecologist, who also serves as the co-chair of the IUCN Hippo Specialist Group. “Hippos are difficult to keep, they’re huge, and water filtration”—necessary to account for all the poop—“is expensive. Most zoos that want a hippo have one already, and if they don’t, they don’t have the capacity for it.”
Staffers also tried chemically castrating the animals with darts, a procedure used successfully in zoos around the world. But hippos require multiple shots, months apart from each other over two years, and it proved impossible to tag and track the free-ranging animals that had received the first dose. Inside the park near Doradal, they surgically castrated a dozen juvenile hippos, which are more docile and easier to maneuver than adults. But that still left an adult population scattered across the Magdalena Basin.
After Escobar was killed, in 1993, his hacienda sat abandoned until 2007, when the regional government partnered with a private company to reopen the estate as a zoo and safari park with new animals. This is one of the many statues in the park. Gena Steffens
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Visitors feed hippopotamuses with greens bought at the park.Some hippos descended from Escobar’s menagerie remained at the zoo, becoming a major attraction. Gena Steffens
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A lemonade stand outside the entrance of the park. Gena Steffens
After lunch, I followed Echeverri López in my vehicle through the gated entrance of Escobar’s former hacienda. In 2007, the Puerto Triunfo municipal government partnered with a private company to turn it into a [zoo and safari park](https://haciendanapoles.com/)—with an all-new animal population—and it’s now Doradal’s main tourist attraction. Garishly painted statues of dinosaurs, hippos and other beasts, some left over from Escobar’s time, loomed along the shoulder of an asphalt road that wound through the rolling pastureland. We walked down a steep slope toward what was once one of Escobar’s artificial lakes, now located outside the grounds, where a dozen hippos lolled in a cluster. “They found a quiet habitat here, with plenty of food, and they settled in,” Echeverri López said. The hippos, on seeing us, moved closer to the shore. “Don’t worry,” he reassured me. “We are halfway up the slope, so we have a certain advantage if one attacks.”
The population in this lake, where the animals spend the daylight hours, had reached about 50—the densest concentration outside the park, and the initial target of the new surgical castration campaign. Echeverri López pointed to a corral a few dozen yards from the lake, one of three strategically placed enclosures built using a metal alloy that is all but unbreakable even by huge, angry mammals. The team uses a trail of carrots, cabbages and fruit to lure hippos into the enclosure; a spring-trap door then slams shut. Once lured, the animals are darted with tranquilizers, allowing the scientists to castrate them where they rest. Cornare observers conduct spot checks every evening, and if they encounter a trapped hippo, they quickly summon the surgical team to the scene.
---
Alejandro Miragot the call to assist in his first surgical castration of a hippo last October. “I was nervous,” he told me one evening, as we were driving along a rural road, keeping a wary lookout for hippos on the highway. In the predawn darkness last year, Mira arrived at the lakeshore to confront an 800-pound male—relatively junior sized—pacing inside the enclosure. A team member fired three tranquilizer darts into the hippo’s buttocks. Then the group waited outside. After 45 minutes, the animal sank into a seated position—“like a dog,” Mira said—then rolled onto its side in a pool of mud.
Mira had castrated many horses, dogs and cats, but this was different from the usual neutering. “The surgery is taking place in a wild environment, with a dangerous animal, with the testicles hidden deep inside the body,” he told me. To verify that the hippo was in a deep state of unconsciousness, a team member tickled his ears. When they didn’t twitch, he signaled the others. The veterinarians tied a rope around the animal’s feet, then dragged him a few yards to a sterile canvas sheet on which the surgery would take place. The team donned surgical scrubs and raised a canvas tent to shield themselves and the animal from the rising sun. Then they swabbed the hippo with sterile wipes and inserted intravenous drips—antibiotics, anti-inflammatories and anesthetics—into the veins on his ears and tongue. Administering the anesthetic is a dangerous part of the procedure. For unclear reasons, hippos, like other marine mammals, are highly sensitive to sedation and, in zoos, have sometimes had fatal reactions.
The lead veterinarian, Cristina Buitrago, knelt and palpated the hippo’s abdomen to feel for his testicles, located in the inguinal canal. Because they are retractable and can reside as deep as 15 inches inside the body, they can be difficult to find. Buitrago made a two-and-half-inch incision, cutting with difficulty through thick skin and layers of fat. Mira knelt beside her, handing her surgical instruments. Then, slicing delicately around the blood vessels, she pulled out the mango-sized testicles, “about the size of a horse’s balls,” Mira told me. The vet snipped them off, sutured the wound and sewed the incision shut.
As the animal slept, the team hurriedly removed the equipment and exited the corral, monitoring the hippo until it returned to consciousness and shambled through the gate and into the lake. From darting to awakening, the procedure had lasted seven hours. The team had tagged the animal’s ears during the surgery, though it is difficult to monitor hippos in the wild. Still, they were confident it would recover well. “They have a strong immune system, and there’s no reason to believe that they can’t survive,” Mira told me. In fact, biologists have discovered a pigment in hippo skin that absorbs ultraviolet light and may prevent bacteria from growing; it’s a natural antibiotic, they theorize, that can help stave off infections from the animals’ frequent tussling—as well as from castration.
Throughout the fall of 2023, the Cornare team refined the procedure to as close to a science as possible. Then, in December, Mira and his colleagues faced a male hippo weighing 1,500 pounds, among the largest they had encountered. Tying ropes around the feet to pull the animal onto a sheet wouldn’t work with an animal of this size. Instead, Mira and his six colleagues stationed themselves around the hippo’s hind legs, forelegs, backside and head. After a count of “*uno, dos, tres,*” they pushed, tugged, yanked, dragged and inched the sleeping behemoth a few yards toward the makeshift operating theater. With a final heave, they raised the animal just enough to slide the canvas sheet beneath his bulk. (Two of the animals they operated on in 2023 were female, a fact that became known only after the hippos’ sedation. “It’s 200 percent more complicated with females,” Mira told me. “You have to access the ovaries through the flanks, cutting through thicker skin and several layers of muscle. You have to go much deeper and really use your hands.”)
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Alejandro Mira, a veterinarian with Cornare, an environmental agency, collects mangoes from a local farm to lure hippos into corrals where they can be sterilized. Gena Steffens
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Corralled hippos near Escobar’s hacienda. Officials sometimes leave food inside with the gates open to accustom the animals to wandering freely in and out without fear. Gena Steffens
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Mangoes scattered around hippo footprints left outside a corral built to contain the animals near Doradal.
Gena Steffens
The operation on the 1,500-pounder was a success. But, at the end of 2023, Cornare’s contract with the government expired, and there was some question about when the program would continue. By April, however, the veterinary team was back in the field, and had castrated three more hippos. Meanwhile, Colombia’s Ministry of the Environment has apparently decided that the catch-and-castrate program isn’t sufficient to handle the hippo problem. Susana Muhamad, the minister of the environment, says that of 169 hippos so far confirmed to be roaming the Colombian countryside, “some” will have to be euthanized, although she also said that both castrations and attempts to move the beasts to overseas zoos will continue.
But the sentiment for a hard-line solution is growing. After years of searching for a viable alternative, Echeverri López now acknowledged to me that a cull will probably have to happen. Indeed, more and more hippo experts around the world say that a controlled killing program is inevitable. “Castration can slow population growth down a bit, but it’s not a solution,” Jan Pluháček, a Czech biologist and hippo specialist, told me. Culling, he said, is “the only thing that makes sense.”
---
On one of my last days in rural Colombia, I drove with Mira to a guest house called Villa Sara, a couple of miles from Hacienda Nápoles. The caretaker had notified Cornare that a hippo had moved into a pond behind the property, and Mira had been called to assess the situation. Reports like these have become more common in the last couple of years, Mira told me.
We drove up the long driveway to a Spanish-colonial-style villa where Escobar is reported to have lived in the 1970s while hunting for a ranch. The caretaker, a young woman named Flor Daza, led us to the back garden. “There he is,” she exclaimed, pointing to a pair of eyes and a snout protruding beyond the shoreline. Mira said the animal was probably a young male who had been cast out of a herd by the dominant male and forced to live on his own. “When he first looked at me in the eye, I was terrified,” Daza told me. But, she went on, “We see him every single day, and we are no longer afraid of him.” The owners of the villa, however, who live in Bogotá, remained concerned, and Daza could not rule out the possibility of violent run-ins between the hippo and unwitting guests.
Daza’s ambivalence about the hippo reflected the perspective of many people I encountered in Colombia, who couldn’t help but feel a mixture of affection and even protectiveness, along with a twinge of fear. In this beleaguered part of the country, which has suffered decades of violence, turmoil and civil war, many people see the hippos as a potential economic lifeline. At a grocery store just outside Escobar’s former hacienda, the owner has turned the top floor of his establishment into a “tourist hotel,” and he posts videos to social media showing groups of four or five hippos—“our pets,” he calls them—wandering past the shop to graze in the bush at night. Isabel Romero, who runs a nonprofit that breeds endangered river tortoises on the Claro Cocorná Sur River, recently opened a hippo-viewing concession, offering lunch and a boat ride to the Magdalena for about $100. It’s doing a brisk business among both Colombian and foreign tourists.
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The hippos are a menace—and a source of tourist income. One hotel advertises photos of nighttime wanderings, writing: “This is the view from your window!” Gena Steffens
This pragmatic embrace of Escobar’s hippos was not so unlike the response to his legacy itself, as I realized when I visited his hacienda. The drug lord’s restored villa on the property grounds is now a memorial museum to his victims, just down a path from the pond where his original hippos once resided. (Today, the pond is home to a female hippo named Vanessa, the park’s mascot.) A high arch stands at the entrance, topped by a replica of the single-engine Piper Super Cub airplane that Escobar first used to fly cocaine to landing strips in the United States. Colombian tourists moved somberly through galleries displaying portraits of politicians, policemen and ordinary citizens killed in car bombings and crossfire, and yellowing newspaper clippings and magazine covers documenting Escobar’s atrocities. Billboards near the museum saluted the “triumph of the state” against “the worst criminal in our history.”
On Doradal’s main drag a mile away, however, I encountered a different kind of commemoration. At Pablo’s Shop, which opened on the former site of one of his favorite cafés, some of those same tourists were posing for photographs alongside a life-size Escobar mannequin and browsing for coffee mugs, T-shirts and refrigerator magnets emblazoned with his portrait. Those looking for more menacing mementos could take their pick from display cases filled with replica pistols and AK-47s. The owner conceded that he had been nervous about opening the boutique—friends had warned him that he might face a backlash—but he’d had no trouble at all. In fact, business was booming. Escobar’s charisma, his extraordinary wealth and his flamboyant notoriety had conferred on him the status of permanent celebrity.
Despite a recognition among Colombian officials that the hippos will have to be managed, whether by a culling program, wide-scale sterilization, targeted translocation or some combination, even in the best of circumstances Colombians will likely have to live with a vestige hippo population. Of some 3,500 invasive animal species introduced by humans into new, unsuitable biomes around the world, few have been eradicated. Whether the intruders are Burmese pythons imported by exotic pet collectors and abandoned in the Florida Everglades, or lionfish from the Indo-Pacific, eating up crustaceans, snappers, groupers and other aquatic animals along the East Coast and Gulf of Mexico, or giant African land snails, devouring native plants across Asia and Latin America, there is no realistic way to turn back the clock. Colombians may have no choice but to make their peace with this reality.
At dusk, as we watched the hippo behind Villa Sara leave the lake and begin a search for food in the adjacent woods, Daza said, “I’ve accepted him, and I’ve come to view having him here as a privilege.”
This article was featured in [One Great Story](https://nymag.com/tags/one-great-story/), *New York*’s reading recommendation newsletter. [Sign up here](https://nymag.com/promo/sign-up-for-one-great-story.html?itm_source=disitepromo&itm_medium=articlelink&itm_campaign=ogs_tertiary_zone) to get it nightly.
Let’s begin with an action scene: I was in midair, tumbling sideways, heading for the floor of the Columbus Circle subway station. Not a place I wanted to be. Where I wanted to be was on the downtown 1, five or ten yards away, doors standing open. I’d made this connection more than a thousand times, though usually getting off the 1, not on it.
@ -117,8 +117,6 @@ At Microsoft he was assigned to a secretive unit known as the “Ghostbusters”
Eventually, he confirmed the weakness within Active Directory Federation Services, or AD FS, a product that allowed users to sign on a single time to access nearly everything they needed. The problem, he discovered, rested in how the application used a computer language known as SAML to authenticate users as they logged in.
Credit: Illustrations by Anuj Shrestha, special to ProPublica
This is what makes a SAML attack unique. Typically, hackers leave what cybersecurity specialists call a “noisy” digital trail. Network administrators monitoring the so-called “audit logs” might see unknown or foreign IP addresses attempting to gain access to their cloud services. But SAML attacks are much harder to detect. The forged token is the equivalent of a robber using a copied master key. There was little trail to track, just the activities of what appear to be legitimate users.
Harris and a colleague who consulted for the Department of Defense spent hours in front of both real and virtual whiteboards as they mapped out how such an attack would work, the colleague told ProPublica. The “token theft” risk, as Harris referred to it, became a regular topic of discussion for them.
<spanclass='ob-timelines'data-date='2024-07-07-00'data-title='Phone call'data-class='orange'data-type='range'data-end='2024-07-07-00'> Phone call from the mother asking me to explain why i ‘resent her’ (her words) in relation to my burnout that she sees exclusively led by work.
@ -56,11 +56,19 @@ Fungal treatment started on [[2024-06-29|29th June]].
 
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